AHMED RASHAD ALI BINGWA WA PROPAGANDA ZA UKOMBOZI WA AFRIKA

1931 Cup
Central Government School
Mnazimmoja
Waliosimama kuanzia kulia:

1.    Amour Muhammed Al Barwani
2.    Muhammed Abdulla Al Ghassany (marehemu Baba)
3.    Saleh ( Baba yake alikuwa akiuzwa Haluwa)
4.    Muhammed Abdulla Salim Al Barwani
5.    Unknown
6.    Saleh Awadh Al Hadhramy
7.    Unknown
8.    Muhammed Amran ( From Pemba)
9.    Muhammed Muhammed Othman
10.    Unknown
Waliokaa kwenye viti kutoka kulia1.    Eisa Muhammed Said Al Barwani
2.    Ahmed Rashad Ali Bakashmar (marehemu Mzee Rashadi)
3.    Hussein Gahtan
4.    Maalim Hilal Al Barwani
5.    Ali Muhsin Al Barwani (marehemu Sheikh Ali Muhsin)
6.    Ali Khalifa Al Miskry
7.    Ali Said
Waliokaa Chini kwenye ardhi kutoka kulia
1.    Muhammed Ali Ameir Al Marhoubi
2.    Suleiman Said Al Kharusy
Majina yote ameyapata Sheikh Taha Baharoon (wa Dubai) kutoka kwa  Bwana Amour Muhammed Al Barwani aliyopo Muscat.

Tutakuwekeeani hapa maisha ya Ahmed Rashad Ali na katika maisha yake lau kwa mukhtahsari tutamtaja Ali Muhsin Barwani. Wote hawa wawili ni watu ambao historia ya ukombozi wa Zanzibar haiwezi kukamilika bila kuwataja. 

Ahmad Rashad Ali alikuja kuwa mcheza mpira maarufu India wakati akiwa mwanafunzi na kisha kuwa mchezaji maarufu na nahodha wa timu ya Zanzibar katika mashindano ya Gossage Cup katika miaka 1940 hadi 1950. Ali Muhsin alifahamika kwa kuwa hodari vilevile katika mpira utotoni lakini zaidi kwa uhidari wa masoma darasani kiasi cha kwenda kusoma Makerere College, Uganda. Lakini Ali Muhsin atakachokumbukwa sana kwa siku zile ni kuongoza harakati za siasa chini ya Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) au kwa jina lingine Hizbu L' Watan. Ali Muhsin alikuwa katika serikali ya kwanza ya Zanzibar iliyopinduliwa mwaka 1964 na yeye akawekwa kifungoni Tanzania Bara kwa amri ya Nyerere kwa miaka 10.

Vuteni subra tunatayarisha mahanjumati...

Hapana Haja ya Kuiogopa Historia ya Uhuru wa Tanganyika

Mohamed Said

Mzee Yusuf Halimoja karudi tena safari hii anasema katika kichwa cha makala yake, “Sijasema Uhuru Uliletwa na Nyerere” (Jamhuri Januari 31 Februari 6 2012). Katika makala hii wakati mnakasha (majadilano)unanoga yeye katangaza kuwa anajitoa. Waswahili tuna msemo, “ametoa mbukwa.” Juu ya huko kujitoa madam kanitaja katika makala yake sina budi nami kumpa majibu yangu katika yale niyajuayo katika historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika. Mzee Halimoja labda kwa utu uzima huwa anasema mengi. Mimi sitajibu kila aliloandika ila nitapita mle ambamo nahisi wasomaji watafaidika na kitu kipya ambacho hawakuwa wakikijua kabla ya hapo.

Si kweli kuwa Nyerere aliongoza juhudi za uhuru peke yake. Nyerere kaja Dar es Salaam mwaka 1952 na akapokelewa na rais wa TAA Abdulwahid Sykes na alikuta mambo yako mbali sana.  Kirilo kenda UNO  na kurudi, TAA ishazungumza na Kamati ya Umoja wa Mataifa inayosimamia nchi zilizokuwa chini ya Udhamini na ishapeleka mapendekezo ya katiba kwa Gavana Twining, TAA imeshaunda Kamati ya Siasa na ikapeleka viongozi wake (Abbas Sykes, Japhet Kirilo na Saadan Abdu Kandoro)  kutembea nchi nzima kuzungumza na wananchi kuhusu madhila ya  ukoloni. Juu ya hayo yote TAA imeshafanya uhusiano na  vyama vingine vya siasa kama African National Congress (ANC) ya Northern Rhodesia chini ya Kenneth Kaunda. (Ally Sykes hadi leo ana barua kadhaa alizokuwa akiandikiana na Kaunda kabla Kaunda hata hajauana na Nyerere). Vilevile Abdulwahid alikuwa kafanya mkutano na Kenyatta wakati wala Kenyatta hajasikia jina la Nyerere. Nia ya mikutano hii ilikuwa kuunganisha juhudi za TAA na KAU katika kupambana na Waingereza.

Kwa wengi mambo haya ni mageni katika masikio yao wameleweshwa na propaganda za TAA hakikuwa chama cha siasa. Simlaumu Mzee Halimoja naamini kabisa kuwa yeye haya hakuwa anayajua. Kwa Mzee Halimoja siasa Tanganyika haikuwezekana bila Nyerere na TANU chama ambacho Nyerere mwenyewe wala hana chimbuko nacho. Halimoja anazungumza kuhusu ujasiri wa Nyerere. Sawa hapana neno lakini je anaujua ujasiri wa Schneider Abdillahi Plantan katika TAA kiasi ambacho Waingereza walimkamata na kumweka kuzuizini? Je Halimoja anajua kisa cha Dome Okochi Budohi Mkenya kadi yake ya TANU na 6 kazi aliyokuwa akifanya katika harakati za TAA kabla hawajaunda TANU akiwa ndiye kiunganisho kati ya TAA na KAU ya Kenyatta? Ninaweza kumpa mifano kocho. Budohi alikamatwa mwaka 1955 pamoja na wanaharakati wengine wa Kenya kwa tuhuma za kuwa Mau Mau. Budohi alifungwa kisiwa cha Lamu kuazia 1955 hadi 1963 Kenya ilipokuwa inakaribia kupata uhuru ndipo alipoachiwa. Budohi akifahamiana vyema kabisa na wazee wangu na nimejifunza mengi kutoka kwake kuhusu TAA na TANU. Lakini kama Mzee Halimoja anataka kubaki na historia ya Nyerere inayoanza na TANU 1954 na kupuuza michango ya wengine mimi sina ugomvi na hilo. Naamini kwa haya machache msomaji kapata yale ambayo hakuwa anayajua kabla na keshatambua kuwa TAA kilikuwa chama cha siasa hata kabla Nyerere hajakutana na Abdu Sykes Dar es Salaam mwaka 1952.

Mzee Halimoja kazungumzia kuhusu Abdulwahid Sykes kuwa kwa nini natumia rejea zake. Napenda kumafahamisha kitu kimoja. Historia ya Nyerere na TANU itakuwa salama na ikafahamika kama inavyofahamika katika historia rasmi mfano wa hii ya Mzee Halimoja ikiwa tu Abdulwahid Sykes utamtoa katika historia ya TAA na TANU na historia ya Nyerere mwenyewe. Lakini pale tu utamkapomleta marehemu Abdu katika historia ya TAA na TANU itakubidi uachane na Nyerere kwanza na urudi robo karne nyuma kupata mwanzo wa harakati na hapo ndipo unapambana na Nyaraka za Sykes na hazitakuwa za Abdulwahid bali za baba yake. Hapo ndipo utakapojua umuhimu wa nyaraka hizi. Kueleza yaliyomo humo katika nyaraka hizo inataka mada itakayojitegemea yenyewe kwani ni historia inayorudi nyuma karne moja. John Iliffe aliondoka na baadhi ya nyaraka hizi ambazo alikabidhiwa na binti yake Abdu Sykes, Daisy Aisha wakati Daisy alipokuwa mwanafunzi wake wa historia miaka ya 1960 katikati Chuo Kikuu Cha Dar es Salaam na Iliffe hajazirejesha hadi leo. Nyaraka hizo ndizo zilizomsaidia Illife kuandika historia ya TAA. Kwa nini historia ya harakati ipatikane kwa mtu mmoja tu Abdu Sykes kama anavyouliza Mzee Halimoja, jibu lake ni hili, baba yake Abdu Kleist Sykes ndiye aliyeasisi harakati za siasa Tanganyika mwaka 1929 na ameacha nyuma hazina kubwa ya maandiko. Anaetaka kujua zaidi na asome “Kleist Sykes, The Townsman” na Daisy Sykes katika “Modern Tanzania,” kitabu kilichohaririwa na John Illife.

Mzee Halimoja anasema Nyerere ndiye aliyeandika katiba ya TANU. Nataka nimweke sawa Mzee Halimoja kuhusu katiba ya TANU. Katiba ya TANU haikuandikwa na yeyote yule. Kwa ufupi ni kuwa Nyerere hakuandika katiba ya TANU. TAA Political Sub Committee ilinakili katiba ya Convention Peoples Party (CPP) ya Kwame Nkrumah neno kwa neno. Mzee Halimoja akitaka ushahidi aitafute katiba ya CPP na aifananishe na katiba ya TANU. Hilo la kwanza. Kitu cha pili napenda kumsahihisha kwa heshima zote Mzee Halimoja kuwa hiyo ilani namba 14 aliyoeleza kuwa ilitolewa na Waingereza haikuwa namba 14 bali namba tano ikijulikana kama Government Circular No. 5 (1 August 1953) ikiwakumbusha viongozi wa TAA kutojiingiza katika siasa. Haya yalitokea baada ya serikali kuwa na ushahidi kuwa TAA ilikuwa inafanya siasa dhahir shahir jambo ambalo Mzee Halimoja hataki kulisikia sharti siasa iwe na Nyerere yumo. Baada ya kuona akina Abdu Sykes na Hamza Mwapachu hawasikii wameshikilia tu kuwasakama Waingereza na serikali yao ikatoka Government Circular No.6. Hapa kuna kisa cha kuhadithia lakini kwa makala hii tutajitoa nje ya maudhui. Kipindi hiki wengi walikikimbia chama wakabaki wanamji. Abdulwahid ilibaki kidogo apoteze kazi yake kama Market Master Soko la Kariakoo. Hii ndiyo historia ya siasa ya TAA na TANU niijuayo mie, historia ambayo wazee wangu walikuwa wachezaji wa kikosi cha kwanza na wakinihadithia siku zote hadi walipotangulia mbele ya haki. Jambo la tatu Mzee Halimoja hasemi kweli kuhusu historia ya TANU katika sehemu zile ambazo kanisa lilikuwa na nguvu. Ukweli ni kuwa waliochelewa kuingia TANU si Warufiji na Wangindo bali watu wa Masasi, Peramiho na kwengineko kutokana na shinikizo la Kanisa. Niruhusu msomaji mpenzi nikudokolee kidogo mambo kutoka katika hazina ya wazee wangu.

Mkutano wa kwanza wa TANU 1955 ulihudhuriwa na Salum Mpunga na Ali Ibrahim Mnjawale kutoka Lindi. Mkutano huu ulifanyika Dar es Salaam Ukumbi wa Hindu Mandal.  Baada ya mkutano, wakati wajumbe wengine wanaondoka kurudi kwenye majimbo yao, Mpunga na Mnjawale walibakia nyuma kukutana na uongozi wa makao makuu wa Julius Nyerere, Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, John Rupia, Ali Mwinyi Tambwe, Said Chamwenyewe, Oscar Kambona na wengineo. Mpunga na Mnjawale waliwafahamisha viongozi wa makao makuu kuhusu hali mbaya ya siasa Jimbo la Kusini. Mbali na kampeni za kuipinga TANU za Liwali Yustino Mponda ambae Mzee Halimoja anamfahamu vyema kabisa, katika ziara yake Lindi Gavana Twining aliwatahadharisha Waafriika wa Tanganyika wasijihusishe na “wafanya fujo” wanaotaka kuzusha vurugu. Twining alikuwa akitoa onyo hili akiikusudia TANU. Hotuba hii ya Gavana iliwatisha wananchi wengi kutoka sehemu za kusini kujiunga na TANU.

Mpunga na Mnjawale waliomba Nyerere aende majimbo ya kusini kuhamasisha wananchi ili wakabiliane na fitna za Gavana Twining na kampeni za kupinga TANU zilizokuwa zikiendeshwa na Liwali Yustino Mponda. Ukweli ni kuwa Nyerere hakutaka kwenda katika ziara ile akijua kuwa huko alikuwa anakwenda kupambana na kanisa lake uso kwa macho. Juu hayo yote Mpunga na Mnjawale katika kikao kile walimsisitizia Nyerere umuhimu wa yeye kwenda Lindi ambako kunaweza kuwa ndiyo chanzo cha TANU kupata ufanisi Newala, Songea, Tunduru na Masasi ambako kulikuwa na upinzani mkubwa dhidi ya TANU. Katika sehemu hizo Kanisa lilikuwa likiwazuia Wakristo kujiunga na TANU. Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Said Chamwenye, John Rupia, Ali Mwinyi Tambwe wote waliunga mkono ule ujumbe wa Lindi juu ya suala hili. Baada ya kufikia makubaliano, Mpunga na Mnjawale walipewa barua ya kuthibitisha safari ya Nyerere. Ali Mwinyi Tambwe na Rajab Diwani walifuatana na Nyerere kwenda Jimbo la Kusini kuondoa wasiwasi na woga uliozushwa na Gavana Twining na kibaraka Yustino Mponda.

Nyerere na msafara wake ulipokelewa na uongozi wa TANU wa Lindi huko Mbanji, kijiji kidogo nje ya mji. Msafara wa Nyerere ulipowasili Mbanji ilikuwa kiasi cha saa moja jioni hivi na giza lilikuwa linaanza kutanda. Mbali na Mpunga na wale wajumbe wawili waliokutana na Nyerere mjini Dar es Salaam mwezi uliopita, hakuna hata mtu kati ya umma ule uliokuja kupokea ujumbe kutoka makao makuu ya TANU aliyekuwa anajua Nyerere anafanana vipi. Mpunga, dereva wa lori, alijibagua kutoka kwa lile kundi la watu akawa amesimama pembeni ili Nyerere apate kumuona. Baada ya Nyerere kumtia Mpunga machoni, Mpunga alimwendea kumsalimu Nyerere, Tambwe na Diwani; kisha aliligeukia lile kundi la watu kumtambulisha Nyerere kwa wananchi akilitaja jina lake kwa sauti kubwa. Baada ya hapo aliutambulisha ule ujumbe wa Nyerere. Nyerere na ujumbe wake ulisindikizwa kwa shangwe na kundi la watu hadi ofisi ya TANU kwenye nyumba ya Suleiman Masudi Mnonji. Kupakana na ofisi ya TANU ilikuwepo nyumba ya seremala mmoja, Issa bin Ali Naliwanda. Hii ndiyo nyumba iliyochaguliwa alale Nyerere na ujumbe wake, si kwa sababu ilikuwa nzuri kupita zote. Ilichaguliwa na kupewa heshima hii kwa sababu ilikuwa karibu sana na ofisi ya TANU na hivyo basi ilirahisishia TANU kazi ya ulinzi wa Nyerere. Siku iliyofuata ilikuwa Jumapili na Nyerere aliwaomba wenyeji wake apelekwe kanisani kwa ajili ya ibada.

Kanisa Katoliki mjini Lindi ni jengo la fahari lililoko ufukweni katika Bahari ya Hindi. Lindi ulikuwa mji wa Waislam. Mbali na mlio wa kengele za kanisa hakuna mtu pale mjini aliyekuwa akishughulishwa na kile kilichokuwa kikifanyika kwenye viwanja vya kanisa. Watu wachache waliokuwa wakienda kusali kanisani walikuwa Wakristo waliokuja Lindi kutoka sehemu nyingine za Tanganyika kufanya kazi katika ofisi za serikali. Ghafla mahala hapa palipokuwa pweke, palipopuuzwa kwa miaka na Waislam wa mjini, pakawa muhimu kwa sababu rais wa TANU ambae alikuwa Mkatoliki alikuwa na haja ya kuhudhuria ibada pale kanisani. Hakuna mtu katika uongozi wa TANU wa Lindi aliyejua ndani ya kanisa lile kulikuwa vipi wala hapakuwa na yoyote kati yao aliyewahi kuingia ndani ya kanisa, si Lindi wala mahali popote pale. Uongozi wa TANU wa Waislam mjini Lindi haukumwamini Mkristo yoyote kumsindikiza Nyerere kanisani ili kumpa ulinzi. Baada ya kujadili suala hilo kwa urefu hatimaye iliamuliwa kuwa Mpunga na wanachama wachache Waislam wenye kuaminika lazima wamsindikize Nyerere kanisani na wengine wabakie nje kulinda mlango.

Jumapili hiyo Nyerere aliingia ndani ya kanisa Katoliki mjini Lindi akifuatwa nyuma na walinzi wake Waislam wakiongozwa na Salum Mpunga, dereva wa lori shupavu. Misa hii maalum  ilidumu katika fikra za wale Wakristo waliokuwepo pale kanisani kwa miaka mingi kwa kuwa tukio hilo liliwagusa sana Wakristo walioshuhudia mkasa ule ndani ya kanisa la Lindi. Hii huenda ilikuwa mara ya kwanza na ya mwisho kwa Nyerere kumsalia Mungu wake huku akiwa amesimamiwa na Waislam. DC mkoloni alikataa kutoa kibali kwa TANU kufanya mkutano wa hadhara. Akiwa amekasirika sana, Shabaan Msangi aliitisha mkutano wa dharura wa tawi uliohudhuriwa na Nyerere na Tambwe. Baada ya mkutano huo Tambwe alikwenda kumwona DC. Ruhusa ilitolewa, na adhuhuri hiyo siku ya Jumapili, katika kiwanja ambacho Wazungu walikuwa wakicheza gofu, ambako mwaka mmoja uliopita Gavana Edward Francis Twining alitoa hotuba iliyowavunja moyo Waafrika, Nyerere alihutubia mkutano wa hadhara. Kamwe haijapata kutokea kabla ya siku ile katika historia nzima ya Jimbo la Kusini, watu wengi kiasi hicho kujumuika mahali pamoja. Wazungu na Wahindi pamoja na askari, watu wakiwa wamekaa na wengine wamesimama katika ya jua kali walikuja kumsikiliza Nyerere akihutubia. Ili kuhakikisha amani na usalama pale mkutanoni serikali iliweka askari waliouzunguka uwanja mzima wa mkutano. Nyerere aliwafikishia watu ule ujumbe wa TANU wa kuwa, kutawaliwa ni fedheha, na Waafrika wa Tanganyika lazima wadai uhuru wao. Uingereza ilikuwa ikiitawala Tanganyika chini ya udhamini kwa niaba ya Umoja wa Mataifa, na wakati ukiwa muafaka inabidi Uingereza ikabidhi nchi kwa wananchi wenyewe. TANU ilikuwa imewasili Jimbo la Kusini.

Wasomaji wapenzi katika makala yangu iliyopita nilimpa changamoto Mzee Halimoja aeleze ni akina nani waliingiza TANU kwao huko Masasi na Peramiho. Ukweli ni kuwa hata kugusia hili katika makala yake iliyopita hakuthubutu. Nimempa changamoto aeleze hicho anachokiita “mchango wa pekee wa Nyerere” katika kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika. Hilo vilevile limemshinda. Nashukuru kuwa kanijibu ingawa kakwepa baadhi ya mambo muhimu lakini kwa kufanya hivyo kanipa mimi nafasi ya kueleza yale ambayo naamini wengi walikuwa hawayajui. Nyerere hakuwa peke yake katika kuupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika wala hakuandika katiba ya TANU wala harakati za kupigania uhuru hakuzianzisha yeye. Nadhani haya niliyoandika yanatosha kwa sasa na ningependa kumaliza kwa kuuliza swali. Nani leo anawakumbuka wazalendo hawa nilowataja katika makala haya? Je hawastahili watu hawa kuenziwa pamoja na Nyerere?

30 Januari 2012

Christian Hegemony and the Rise of Muslim Militancy in Tanzania Mainland

Baraza

Christian Hegemony and the Rise of Muslim Militancy in Tanzania Mainland

7^th July 2011

Organised by

Zentrum Moderner Orient

Berlin

Speaker

Mohamed Said

Christian Hegemony and the Rise of Muslims Militancy in Tanzania Mainland

Introduction

In order to understand the Tanzanian political environment and to appreciate this study we first need to establish even in a nut shell the source of the problem. Why is the Church in Tanzania and particularly the Catholic Church in control of the government and all that it entails? Why are Muslims, fifty years after independence still backward, uneducated and form the lower strata of society? Is this by default or design? Having seen this we have to analyse and deeply explore the hopes and aspirations of Muslims in free Tanganyika as Tanzania was known then and ask, are Muslims satisfied with this unequal status? We also have to ask again did Muslims spearhead the struggle for independence so that the Church could replace the colonial government. Although for reasons which are to be deduced later, this historical fact is still in contention. No one can ignore the role of Islam and Muslims in resisting foreign domination beginning with German colonialism when in 1907 Muslims rose up in arms against Germans in Maji Maji War to free Tanganyika from bondage; to the period of British rule when Muslims formed the backbone of resistance against British rule.

Subsequently Muslims dominated both labour and nationalist politics. Tanzania Mainland celebrates fifty years of independence this year but the role of Muslims in resisting foreign rule and in liberating Tanganyika from colonialism has not been requited nor have the heroes of independence struggle been honoured.[1] We again have to pose a question why is this so? Is it that Tanzania is an ungrateful nation and therefore hates its heroes? Answers to all those questions will lead us closer to understanding the problem which Muslims in Tanzania face. Answers to these questions will make us reflect and uncover reasons which caused Muslim independence aspirations not to be realised. This is now the bone of contention between Muslims and the government. Muslims without mincing words are now pointing an accusing finger to the Church particularly the Catholic Church which in connivance with President Nyerere for being anti Islam and for frustrating the hopes and aspirations of Muslims in free Tanganyika, a country they liberated from colonialism in 1961.[2]

History in Revision

Muslims are now organising nationwide mass rallies which openly and in live broadcasts denounce the church, criticise the government and church agents within the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the Parliament for oppressing Muslims. Seemingly derogatory words like “pandikizi” (singular) and “mapandikizi” (plural) meaning “turncoats;” or the new coined word “Mfumo Kristo” roughly meaning “Christian dominance” are now part of the Muslim and Swahili vocabulary. These analogies are used freely in the Muslim media and among Muslims in every day conversation. But what usually thrills Muslims and utterly significant showing that times have changed is when in the rallies and in normal discussion Muslims refer to Nyerere hitherto known respectfully as “Baba wa Taifa” as “Baba wa Kanisa,” meaning “Church Elder.”[3] The move by the Catholic Church to make him a saint has not helped matters. More so it proves all the allegations levelled against Nyerere that he never was a nationalist but a Catholic zealot.  Respect and love which Muslims once had for Nyerere has been completely wiped out. The new generation of Muslims no longer believe in the official history of TANU and the propaganda that it was Nyerere who single handed defeated the British. Muslims instead are honouring the forgotten heroes of independence movement and in so doing invoking emotions particularly in the new generation to stand up against oppression as their forefathers had done against Germans and the British. Muslim heroes of the Maji Maji War like Suleiman Mamba, Ali Songea Mbano,[4] and Muslim nationalists like Abdulwahid [5] and Ally Sykes,[6] Dossa Aziz, Sheikh Hassan bin Amir,[7] Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Sheikh Yusuf Badi, Bibi Titi Mohamed,[8] Bibi Tatu bint Mzee, Bilali Rehani Waikela,[9] Ali Migeyo[10] and others are now part of nationalist history which was suppressed for many years.[11]  

Muslims are demanding the restoration of their history and honour as true liberators of Tanganyika. This is unprecedented. One can only speculate and wonder where this would lead to.  Can we identify this phenomenon as corrective and revision of history or is it a lesson of anarchy in recording history?[12] The result of all this is that the Church has been made to stand naked. That the Church did not play any role during Maji Maji[13] or during the struggle against the British or that it has worked hand in hand with the government to sabotage Islam and Muslims is now common knowledge.

Professor Mujahid: Kighoma Abdallah Ali Malima

And the Christian Lobby

After the introduction of multi-parties in 1992 Muslims attempted clandestinely to form a political party, trying to invoke their past history but these efforts were thwarted by the  government and other factors, the main one being the problem of organising what is to be an open political party in a clandestine fashion. The mainstay of this movement was the underground Muslim nationwide network which has always been there. The aim was to have a political party which Muslims could control although not in the style of the defunct All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika (AMNUT) founded in 1958 by a splinter Muslim group from TANU following the controversial tripartite voting which came to be known as “Kura Tatu.”[14] However Muslims managed to overcome all obstacles when Prof. Kighoma Ali Malima, a symbol of Muslim resistance to the status quo resigned from the ruling party CCM and joined a little known opposition party, National Reconstruction Alliance (NRA) founded by an obscure Muslim politician, one Abubakar Ulotu. Prof. Malima earned the wrath of the government and church when he pointed out the existence of long standing circle of Christian functionaries in the Ministry of Education which was sabotaging and discriminating Muslim youths barring them from higher education. Through a confidential letter to President Ali Hassan Mwinyi he exposed this faction and made suggestions to the government on how to put an end to that discrimination and elevate Muslims.[15] Prof. Malima for this he was labelled a “Muslim fundamentalist” and therefore a dangerous person out to endanger peace which has been observed since independence. To make a long story short Prof. Malima was hounded out of the ministry by the powerful Christian lobby in CCM and Mwinyi’s government. But Prof. Malima did not leave the ministry quietly. He told Muslims what he had found in the Ministry of Education. Prof Malima’s findings complimented an earlier study done by Warsha.[16]

After the resignation of Prof. Malima from CCM, Muslims perceived that act as a signal for the second liberation. Signs that the country was being divided into two hostile camps between Muslims in opposition and Christians in the ruling party were very much evident. Had Prof. Malima lived and with the charged political atmosphere which was there at that time, and stood for presidential election to oppose Benjamin William Mkapa, a Roman Catholic and a Nyerere protégé, one can only speculate the outcome. Although there were four presidential aspirants nationwide the battle would have narrowed down to only the two of them, which are Prof. Malima and Benjamin Mkapa. Retired President Julius Nyerere had seen the danger of such a confrontation and asked Prof. Malima not to resign from CCM. Nyerere knew for Prof. Malima to resign on a Muslim agenda that would make him a hero to his people and Muslims would rally behind him. The country would be split and polarised.

President Nyerere sent emissaries to Prof. Malima pleading with him not to resign from CCM. Prof. Malima was to receive thinly veiled threats from other quarters as to what could happen to the country was he to resign from CCM on a Muslim agenda. What Prof. Malima endured in the hands of the powerful Christian lobby, his party the CCM and his eventual death, is a drama worth documenting.[17] This situation was averted when Prof. Malima died mysteriously in London soon after taking the leadership of NRA and announcing his candidacy for 1995 presidential elections in a well attended public rally in Tabora. Muslims gave Prof. Malima a funeral which has never been seen before. Prof. Malima had crossed the Rubicon. It was only his death which prevented Muslims from moving towards a head on collision with the government. In Prof. Malima’s death the movement was robbed of its leader and as a result the religious euphoria which was at fever pitch as the country was preparing to enter into second multiparty election waned away. It took a decade to bring the Muslim movement back on track and the irony for that was, it was not CCM the old enemy which was responsible for that but an opposition party, Chama Cha Maendeleo na Demokrasia (CHADEMA) seemingly under the tutelage of Catholic Church out to oust a Muslim president, Mrisho Jakaya Kikwete, which broke the camel’s back. The Catholic Church prior to election issued an Election Manifesto and a document of guidance on how Christians should vote. The presidential candidate for CHADEMA was a former Roman Catholic priest. That said it all. Muslims mobilised for the general election in a manner never seen before to oppose CHADEMA and the Church. Muslims irrespective of their political affiliations campaigned for the return to office of a Muslim president.

Religious Distribution in Tanzania

In order to appreciate the impending danger we need to agree that Muslims are a majority[18] in Tanzania and in any civil upheaval large numbers carry psychological advantages. The government has over the years been making deliberate efforts to conceal this fact and to portray to the world that Muslim-Christian religious distribution is more or less the same and at times to give an impression that Tanzania is a Christian nation and Muslims are a minority.[19]The government to say the least has been very evasive on this question.[20] When the government went into its first census after independence the government did not envisage that the results would show Muslims as a majority. In the 1957 census Muslims outnumbered Christians at a ratio of three to two. Ten years after in 1967, in the post independence census Muslims were 30%, Christians 32% and local belief 37%. Reasons were not given for this sudden decrease of Muslims or the growth of pagans. It is on record that the 1967 statistics were doctored to show that Muslims were trailing behind Christians in numerical strength.[21]D.B. Barret gives statistics which show Muslims as a minority: Muslims 26%, Christians 45% and local belief 28%. Tanzania National Demographic Survey figures for 1973 have Muslims at 40%, Christians 38.9% and local belief 28%. Africa South of the Sahara shows that Muslims are a majority in Tanzania at 60% this figure has remained constant in all its subsequent publications since 1991.[22]

The Christian Lobby in Tanzania’s Political System (Mfumokristo)

 The Catholic Church is in control of the government by proxy. Through unseen hands it manipulates the political system in such a way its influence permeates every sector of society from the mass media to selection of students to join secondary schools and other institutions of higher learning, securing scholarship, employment, promotion, for political office etc. etc.  In short the Church is in control of the Executive, Judiciary and the Legislature.[23] This is the reason the political system has been able to manipulate the law with impunity as far as it affects Muslim interests. The government has been able to ignore serious petitions submitted to the President, Prime Minster, and the Parliament by Muslims. The government with the support of the Christian dominated press has been able to control and shape public opinion against Islam and Muslims. The Church perceive Islam as an enemy it therefore has in operation strategies to ounter its development.[24]Evidence to this fact has been uncovered by Muslim as well as Christian scholars.[25]

Through research and many years of observations it is now possible to know a little how the unseen hand of the Church functions. It works like a secret society and yet it is not one at least from outside. It works in a two prong fashion. It has agents in all important institutions of the civil society who co-ordinates their activities when the need arise forming what could be identified as the Christian lobby. This is a multi-denomination power house. Interesting is the fact that this alliance has been able to even recruit Muslims and alleviated them to important positions in the government and the media. The main function of these Muslims is to soften blows against Muslims interests and give a pleasant perception in the eyes of the public in issues where the government has to confront Muslims. The dirty work for example, to order force to be used against Muslims or to undermine a Muslim in an important position who it is to the interest of the Church that he be sorted out, such tasks  will always be apportioned to these Muslims in the Christian lobby.[26] These Muslims can be found in the media, in echelon of the CCM, the government, the police etc. etc.  These Muslims are well rewarded and are a government into themselves. Unique in these Muslim personalities is that they endure the political system. They are the show piece to display to the Muslim majority that the government does not discriminate. This system has perfected itself and is now self - propelling.  It can work independent of whoever is in command, as seen in the ten year period (1985-1995) when a Muslim president, Ali Hassan Mwinyi was in power and now that another Muslim holds the reigns.

Subtle oppression and propaganda unleashed on any people for many years is bound to have negative effect in their psychology. Majority of Muslims are poor due to impediments unleashed on their path towards upward mobility and will continue to suffer if deliberate efforts are not carried out to reverse the situation. On the other hand the Church has also suffered in its own peculiar way as it now lives in fear and there are few Christians who have seen the danger of Christianity as a doctrinaire being turned into a government within a government and these “sympathizers” have crossed over to the sprouting Pentecostal churches. Tanzania has in place self-generating mammoth machinery, blind and uncontrollable. It cannot think and therefore it is failing to see the danger even when it knocks on its door, the danger which will not only destroy the Church but also the country. The Church machinery now in motion for more than a century and like a true machine it would not wake up. It would only stop when the fuel and grease which propels and oils its parts is exhausted. By then it would be too late. The Church has failed to wake up to the realities that it cannot operate as it did, first under colonialism and later under two Catholic presidents, Nyerere and Mkapa. It cannot always be business as usual. This is proven in the way the government has failed to approach the stagnating Muslim problem and the now new Muslim movement which has gained momentum since the last general election of 2010 in which religious sentiments were out in the open. If the status endures signs are that Muslims will confront the Catholic Church as they had confronted Germany and British colonialism.

Conclusion

The aim of this paper was to show the dangerous path which Tanzania is currently heading to. It is a fact that there is a struggle currently taking place between two contending forces both at institutional and individual levels. It is my belief that this study has provided information which would help decision makers, and those Muslims and Christians who in their apathy, innocence and at times ignorance are oblivious of the problem to realize that Tanzania is not different from Rwanda, Burundi, Kenya or any other African countries torn apart by civil strife as a result of one ethnic group or religion monopolizing all the privileges and resources of the country. The Memorandum of Understanding between the Church and Government is a good example of this. [27]It is high time the government stopped to pretend that all is well and to approach the Muslim plight objectively, seriously and with a sober mind. It is my belief that this will also help well wishers from outside to give good advice to the government. It is also my belief that this topic will receive further research from students of African politics and conflict resolution. To my countrymen  the message is that it is only through talking about these problems in the open that we can uncover and expose the unseen hand which if left unchecked would plunge Tanzania into abyss and darkness.

“There is a tide in the affairs of men.
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune;
Omitted, all the voyage of their life
Is bound in shallows and in miseries.
On such a full sea are we now afloat,
And we must take the current when it serves,
Or lose our ventures.”

Julius Caesar Act 4, scene 3, 218–224

Berlin.

7^thJuly 2011

---

[1] On 27 th April, 1985, Julius Nyerere, before stepping down from power, in a colourful ceremony at the State House grounds, conferred a total of 3,979 medals to Tanzanians who had contributed to the development of the nation. None of the Muslim patriots who spearheaded the independence struggle was in that list. The names of those honoured make very interesting reading.   

[2] Catholics form 76% of all members of Parliament the remaining 24% seats are divided between Christians of other dominations and Muslims. Muslims control a mere 6% of the seats. Most areas which are under developed in Tanzania mainland are areas with Muslim majority like Kigoma, Tabora, Kilwa, Mtwara, Lindi etc. These areas are now re-examining themselves and are gradually turning into local factions of radical Muslim politics reminiscence of the era of nationalist politics of the 1950s. This could be a source of civil unrest in the very near future. Signs of this have begun to show in the recurrent violent conflicts between Muslims and the government. Tanzania has experienced the Buzuruga Muslim-Sungusungu Conflict (1983), Pork Riots (1993) and Mwembechai Upheaval (1998). For more information See Hamza Mustafa Njozi, Mwembechai Killings and Political Future of Tanzania, Globalink Communications Ottawa, 2000. (The book is banned by the government). In all these conflicts, Muslim blood has been shed. In between these conflicts Muslims have sent several petitions to the government requesting it to look into these problems but all of them have been ignored. As a result of this Muslims from all regions of Tanzania met in Dar es Salaam at Masjid Tungi in 1990 and issued the Tungi Declaration which among other things stated that Muslim should prepare to defend their rights by all means even if it means by force of arms.

[3] The late Prof. Haroub Othman after reading Sheikh Ali Muhsin’s book Conflict and Harmony in Zanzibar and the writer’s book TheLife and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes 1924 -1968 The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika, Minerva Press, London 1998 and having come across hitherto unknown information on Nyerere was devastated because he was a great admirer of Nyerere as a patriot and a nationalist. The two books had painted him differently. Prof. Haroub confronted Nyerere and told him that the allegations in those two works have tarnished his image and he advised him to respond to them. Nyerere never did. Christian lecturers at Dar es Salaam University are discouraging students from making references to those two books. Dr. Harith Ghassany’s book Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuru, has also come up with more information on Nyerere hitherto unknown in the Zanzibar Revolution and the bloodbath which followed.

[4] In all historical references to Maji Maji War hero and Chief of Wangoni Ali Songea Mbano, his Muslim name “Ali” would be omitted and he would be referred to as Songea Mbano.

[5] Mohamed Said, The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 –1968), The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika Minerva Publishers, London, 1998.

[6] Mohamed Said, Broken Dreams, The Life of Ally Kleist Sykes, Phoenix Publishers, Nairobi 2011 (Forthcoming).

[7] Issa Ziddy, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir (1880-1979). Also See Mohamed Said, “Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir - The Moving Spirit of Muslim Emancipation in Tanganyika (1950 – 1968)” (Paper presented at Youth Camp Organised by Zanzibar University, World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY) and Tanzania Muslim Students Association (TAMSA) 27^thFebruary – 4^th March 2004.

[8] Bibi Titi was recruited into TANU by Schneider Abdillah Plantan and began to mobilize people particularly women to join the party even before he came to know Nyerere.

[9] Bilali Rehani Waikela one of the TANU founder members in Western Province in 1955 and Regional Secretary of the East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) was detained by Nyerere in 1964 for “mixing religion and politics.” His personal papers were of great help in understanding the EAMWS crisis of 1968 and the reasons why Nyerere detained prominent sheikhs banned and the society in 1968. A documentary of his political life has been made and although not officially recognized as a patriot Muslims now consider him as one of the heroes of the independence movement. For more information see Mohamed Said, “In Praise of Ancestors,” Africa Events (London) March/April 1977.

[10] G. Mutahaba, Portrait of a Nationalist: The Life of Ali Migeyo, East African Publishing House, 1969.

[11] Maji Maji Museum in Songea which has been greatly desecrated removing all signs of Muslim symbols during the Maji Maji War with Germans. The Maji Maji Museum at Peramiho under the Catholic Church has closed its doors to young Muslims for fear of criticism for distorting history. All Muslim symbols in Maji Maji War against Germans have been obliterated in the Maji Maji Museum.

[12] A children’s book authored by the current writer, Torch on Kilimanjaro, Oxford University Press, Nairobi, 2007 has been blacklisted and cannot be included as a reader in schools because it contravenes the official history.

[13] Yusuf Halimoja, Historia ya Masasi, East African Literature Bureau, Nairobi, 1977 pp 163 175 gives a narration how Christians fought alongside Gerrmans during Maji Maji. Also see P. Gerold Rupper, OSB, Pugu Hadi Peramiho: Miaka 100 wa Wamishionari Wabenediktini Katika Tanzania,Benedictine Publications, Ndanda Peramiho, 1980, pp 31- 42.

[14] It is believed that it was when TANU voted to take part in the Tripartite Election in 1958 under discriminatory conditions which caused Muslims to lose the political dominance they had enjoyed for many years. Trying to regain their power AMNUT was formed. See Mohamed Said, Uamuzi wa Busara, Abantu Publications, Dar es Salaam, 2009.

[15] Prof. Malima who was the first Muslim to head the Ministry of Education found out that the population of Muslim students in primary school was more than 50% but they were few in secondary schools. He realised something must be seriously wrong in the ministry and he therefore directed that examinations numbers should be used in marking examinations instead of names. After these change the number of Muslims students admitted to secondary schools increased by 40%.   Prof. Malima's letter was leaked to the press. It is said that among those who received the report was the Church hierarchy, Nyerere, former Vice-President and Prime Minister Joseph Warioba. Warioba had an axe to grind with Mwinyi because in a government reshuffle Mwinyi dropped him from premiership replacing him with Samwel John Malecela. The Church, Nyerere and Warioba were outraged by the letter and tried to have him sacked from the government and party. Muslims were following closely Prof. Malima’s fight against the Christian bastion with great interest.

[16]In 1991 Warsha, an unregistered Muslim youth organisation commissioned its educationists to write a research paper to show why Muslim students were lagging behind in education. For the first time it was revealed that there was a system in the Ministry of Education supported by Christian functionaries which was discriminatory towards Muslim youths, purposely barring them from institutions of higher learning. The paper was circulated to all Muslims in Tanzania.

 [17] Mohamed Said, Professor Muhajid: Kighoma Abdallah Ali Malima (1938 - 1995) And the Christian Lobby (mimeo).

[18] As if sensing danger the Catholic Church has in place a committee responsible for armed forces. This was revealed in a report to the Pope when he visited Tanzania in 1990. Muslims have requested the government to make a statement on Catholic Church Committee on Armed Forces but so far the government has not responded.

[19]There has never been in history minorities in ethnicity or religion in any country to wage a major war on a foreign power on behalf of majority or to mobilize people for independence. Tanzania’s experience will be an exception to the rule if it is proven that as minority Muslims mobilized against Germany and also provided leadership in the struggle for independence. 

[20] Religious distribution in Tanzania is among the three topics made “sensitive” by Julius Nyerere and were as a result out of bounds for discussion for almost a quarter of a century. The other two are the role of Muslims in the struggle for independence and that the struggle for independence began before Julius Nyerere came to lead Tanganyika African Association in 1953.

[21] It is worthwhile to quote in full a letter by one Amiri Mchomvu which appeared in the Family Mirror Family Mirror about the 1967 census: Last month I chanced to come across Africa Information Newsletter, (September 26, 1994 issue) in which there was an article on Tanzania titled: Islamic fundamentalism worries the government. I found the article by a renewed Tanzanian journalist, Lawrence Kilimwiko to be very anti-Islam. Besides, Mr. Kilimwiko says that about 40% of Tanzanians are Christians and 30% Muslims. I think that is a statistical error.During the 1967 Population Census, the first census since independence, I was one of the census enumerators in Tabora Region. It is believed that this was the only successful of the population census conducted since independence (i.e. 1967, 1978 and 1988) as it was wholly conducted by the form V students. Corruption, embezzlement, etc. of census funds and other administrative vices that plagued the last two census (1978 and 1988) were things unknown at that time. It was the only census which had probed Tanzanians’ religious adherence. I clearly remember the bulky questionnaire form, one question of which asked the persons’ religion, whether he was Christian, Muslim, Other (e.g. Hindu, Budhist etc.) or traditional, e.g. pagan. I also remember the census results; published by the then Tanganyika Standard late that year 1967 (I have forgotten the date of the issue) in which it was shown that Muslim constituted 63% of the population. Now whoever thinks that such verdict is not correct I challenge him/her to substantiate otherwise with official results of the 1967 Census if they at all can get hold of them. It is believed that in early 1970s the Statistical Department was ordered to destroy all the 1967 census result simply because they showed the Muslim in Tanzania to be in majority.

[22] Africa South of the Sahara, Europa Publication, London, No. 20 1991, p. 1027.

[23] The following are few names of Muslims who were over the years punished by the Christian Lobby for contravening church interests: Mufti; Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Tewa Said Tewa, Bilal Rehani Waikela, Prof. Kighoma Ali Amlima, Abubakar Mwilima, Aboud Jumbe,  Kitwana Selemani Kondo, Manju Msambya, etc.

[24] In 1968 the government banned the East African Muslim Welfare Society. In 1980s the government refused to allow Organisation of Islamic Conference (IOC) to build a university in Tanzania instead IOC built it in Mbale, Uganda. In 1990s Darul Iman from Saudi Arabia wanted to build a school but was made to understand it was not wanted when it received negative press and harassment and as a result it closed its office in Dar es Salaam. In 2002 the Parliament passed the Prevention of Terrorism Act of 2002 which targeted Muslims. See Mohamed Said, “Terrorism” in East Africa the Tanzanian Experience,”2006, paper presented at a conference organised by Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies University of Ibadan, Nigeria.

[25] Jan P van Bergen, Religion and Development in Tanzania, (Madras, 1981), John C. Sivalon, Kanisa Katoliki na Siasa ya Tanzania Bara 1953 Hadi 1985, (Ndanda, 1992). K. Mayanja Kiwanuka, The Politics of Islam in Bukoba District (1973), B.A. Thesis, University of Dar es Salaam.

[26] Christian lobby with the help of senior officials in the ministry stoop as low as to steal  the 1994 Ministry of Finance Budget speech before it was presented to the Parliament by the minister Prof. Malima. The day before the budget speech the conspirators locked themselves in a hotel room in the city centre coaching each other on how to tackle Prof. Malima the following day. Reflecting on the stolen budget speech Prof. Malima said that the moment the lobby began commenting on his speech he had a vision of marking a paper of dumb students who had cheated an examination. The head of these conspirators was a Muslim. There was also inside the House an organised group of about 60 to 80 Christian MPs who would jeer at Prof. Malima every time he spoke inside or outside Parliament buildings or during debating of bills that he was supposed to defend. The anti-Malima committee had journalists in its payroll who would in their papers portray Prof. Malima negatively.  Among those papers was the Roman Catholic paper Kiongozi.See Kiongozi March 1-15, 1994.

 [27] This agreement was prepared by Dr. Costa Mahalu, Dar Es Salaam University Faculty of Law and was signed by Minister of State in Prime Minister’s Office and First Vice-President, Edward Lowassa. The main purpose of the agreement was to turn over education, health and social services to Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT) and Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC). These social services were to be run jointly between the government and the Church. This agreement, that is, the Memorandum of Understanding was prepared and signed without even consulting or informing Muslims. In order for the memorandum to take effect the government had to amend article 30 of the Education Act No. 25 of 1978. In 2011 the government provided 91 billion shillings to the Church for its development activities. Mahalu was later appointed Ambassador to Italy. He was later to face corruption charges in court and Lowassa was to resign as Prime Minister on similar charges.

REGIONAL CONFERENCE OF ISLAM IN EASTERN AND THE HORN OF AFRICA

Islam’s Encounter with the Challenges of the 21^st Century

1^ST – 4^TH AUGUST 2006

Organised by

Department of Philosophy & Religious Studies

KENYATTA UNIVERSITY

Venue

Kenyatta University

NAIROBI

Al Marhum Sheikh Kassim   bin Juma

 (1940 – 1994) 

And the Dar es Salaam Pork Riots of 1993

Speaker

Mohamed Said

Introduction

In order to understand the mobilising force behind the Muslim agitation of 1990s against the government particularly in the years when the first Muslim president was in office one has to trace the life of Sheikh Kassim bin Juma bin Khamis the brilliant orator of Tanzanian mainland pulpit politics. Sheikh Kassim bin Juma will go in history as the only sheikh in the history of Tanzania to in a peculiar way serve two presidents diligently. He supported Catholic Nyerere knowingly or unknowingly helping him build a new political base alienating his former supporters - Muslims who had formed Nyerere’s mainstay in his early political carrier. In this process Nyerere with the help of Sheikh Kassim Bin Juma and few Muslims in Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) the party of independence, was able to weaken and completely severe the Muslim base, the  link which not only had propped him into power in 1953 but was also  the main force which ousted the British out of Tanganyika.  The end result of this marriage was the formation of a new power house composed of Christians, mainly Catholics who not only came to control the government but also then TANU the only political party in the country. This power house manifested itself into the Christian lobby – the unseen hand which directs politics in Tanzania. Muslims were never to recover and gain the political domination which was their domain during the struggle for independence; and from that period they were marginalised to the extent that they can now (to borrow  the words of former President of Zanzibar Aboud Jumbe) be seen through their absence in all centres of power. In turn, probably as a reward to Sheikh Kassim bin Juma for his support Nyerere elevated Sheikh Kassim bin Juma to a higher status, making him among one of his very close confidants. It is said on Nyerere’s recommendation Sheikh Kassim was also attached to the State Intelligence as an informer. Sheikh Kassim remained in that powerful position throughout Nyerere’s tenure.

It was Sheikh Kassim bin Juma's sudden change from being a pawn of Nyerere to becoming a champion of Muslim rights, to use his own words, "usurped by a political system established by Julius Nyerere,"  which made his life history worthy of record. Sheikh Kassim who for many years was shunned by Muslim intellectuals not taking him seriously seeing him as a lackey, was by this sudden change caused this group to come forward to support him.  Short of this transformation Sheikh Kassim's life would not have been remarkable. History would have remembered him as a Muslim scholar who sold himself to Nyerere and betrayed Islam. In order to understand the change in Sheikh Kassim one needs to trace his transformation from the time in 1985 when power changed hands in Tanzania.

The Rise of Sheikh Kassim bin Juma bin Khamis

Sheikh Kassim rose to prominence in early 1960s soon after returning from studies in Pakistan. While a student in Pakistan, Sheikh Kassim came into contact with the renowned Muslim scholar, Abu Ala Maudud and the Jamaat Islami. Sheikh Kassim ascendancy to popularity as a brilliant orator and champion mass mobiliser coincided with the political phase in Tanzania when Nyerere was conducting a silent purge against Muslim leadership in TANU as well as in the leadership in the Tanzania Branch of the East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS). Nyerere had during the formative years of TANU witnessed the power and spirit of Muslims in their stand against colonialism. During the struggle for independence Muslim symbols were very much in evidence in leadership of the party and membership drive. The early leadership of TANU came from Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyikafounded in 1933. While Islam was used as an ideology of resistance to foreign rule the Church kept its distance. Nyerere felt unsafe to face Muslims in free Tanganyika organising themselves independent of the central authority. Nyerere perceived Muslim scholars as Sheikh Hassan Bin Ameir and independent Muslim organisation like the EAMWS, Daawat Islamiyya, and Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika as threat to his own rule and authority. He thought Muslim sentiments against his government could be articulated through such Muslim organisations and personalities. The EAMWS had The Aga Khan as patron and Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir had resigned from politics and was now heading Daawat Islamiyya. Nyerere as a sure means of his own survival and that of his government wanted all Muslim organisations and influential Muslims out of his way and out of politics.

Nyerere did not want to be seen to be working against these organisations or its leadership. Nyerere needed a Muslim to spearhead the attack while he worked behind the curtain A crisis leading to the disarray of these organisations had therefore to be fomented paving way for Nyerere to intervene and in doing so would create an opening to overthrow the independent Muslim leadership and create his own leaders and a new Muslim organisation which he could manipulate and demand allegiance.  The nucleus upon which to build his new base had to emanate within the Muslim fabric itself and the choice of the new leadership had to be perceived as emanating from main stream Muslims themselves. Nyerere had by then purged the party of its Muslim leadership and those remaining were mere cronies. He had in 1963 soon after independence in 1961 abolished the TANU – Elders Council an all Muslim body accusing the elders of ‘mixing religion with politics’ this in essence meant mixing ‘Islam with politics.’

The vacuum left by the Elders Council which was party within the party in TANU was filled by few hand picked Muslims in the powerful Central Committee of the party. These hand picked Muslims in the Central Committee paved the way for Nyerere to bring down the final blow - that of banning the EAMWS, Daawat Islamiyya, Al Jamiatul fi Tanganyika and other Muslim organisations. But in order for Nyerere to achieve this he needed a person with charisma, intellect and oratory skills who would be able to publicly speak of the necessity of having a new Muslim organisation with indigenous leadership to replace the EAMWS leadership under the Shia – Ismaili Aga Khan. African Muslims in Tanzania Nyerere argued have to be led by African leadership because that is what uhuru was all about. Nyerere had set the bait it was now up to the mouse to nibble and trigger the trap.

Sheikh Kassim has never publicly spoken how he was incorporated by Nyerere into the EAMWS ‘crisis’ of 1968 and the only published work on the crisis[1] has never revealed his actual role in the dismembering of the organisation. It is public knowledge however that there was a group of prominent Muslims some in the party like Sheikh Abdallah Iddi Chaurembo, Rajab Diwani and Selemani Kitundu  including some Muslims in the State Intelligence led by the late Rashid Kayugwa[2] who were involved in fanning the crisis.  The crisis ensued threw Muslims in East Africa in a disarray unprecedented in their entire history. The crisis culminated in resignation of the Aga Khan as patron of the EAMWS, the banning of the organisation by order of the president, detention of some sheikhs and other Muslim notables, the scrapping of development projects in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda including the formation of the Muslim University in Dar es Salaam and the formation of National Muslim Council of Tanzania known by its Swahili acronym as BAKWATA. But the biggest blow of them all to Muslims was the deportation to Zanzibar of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir the Mufti of Tanzania. Nyerere could not detain Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir, the top most leader of Muslims, the only option open to him was deportation back to Zanzibar his home country.    

Consequently the state machinery put Sheikh Kassim Juma on focus and lime light turning him into a ‘national sheikh’ of sorts, considered by all and sundry as government as well as Muslim mouth-piece in all affairs concerning Islam.  Overtime his face became familiar in the print media and his voice recognisable in the only radio station. Nyerere put the government owned and controlled mass media including the state radio at the disposal of Sheikh Kassim for propaganda purposes. It was common to hear the voice of Sheikh Kassim delivering a khutba in the radio or see his photograph in the papers sitting at the high table with state leaders and other dignitaries. The media portrayed the young Sheikh Kassim as a progressive Muslim scholar capable to represent Muslim interests than the decadent and over spent sheikhs in the EAMWS, Daawat Islamyya and TANU Elders Council.

Sheikh Kassin bin Juma President Ali Hassan Mwinyi and Reverend Christopher Mtikila

Man proposes and God disposes. Nyerere’s had his own strategy of succession which failed and attempts to remedy his plan met with obstacles. Nyerere wanted Edward Moringe Sokoine a fellow Catholic to succeed him but Sokoine died prematurely. Nyerere had to do with a candidate not of his choice and so it passed that Ali Hassan Mwinyi a Zanzibari and an outsider from Nyerere’s circle of loyalists succeeded him. The stage was set for Sheikh Kassim’s exit from one kind of fame into another. When Nyerere resigned from leadership of the country he left the country firmly in the hands of Christian bureaucrats and relatively free from Muslim influence and sentiments. For twenty five years with Muslims denied to organise and confined to BAKWATA[3] Nyerere felt secure and safe believing that the Muslim urge of demanding equal distribution of power between themselves and Christians articulated in the early years of independence has been contained and could never raise again to jeopardise their dominance in the country.

When President Ali Hassan Mwinyi came into power in 1985, he found Sheikh Kassim already firmly established with a great following and influence. Sheikh Kassim accepted and supported Mwinyi as he had supported and served former President Nyerere. For some time it seemed the status quo and Nyerere’s legacy would endure but one thing which Nyerere could not contemplate was the fact that Sheikh Kassim and President Mwinyi shared a common denominator - both of them were Muslims and therefore their relationship transcended beyond the immediate call of duty.  After years of Muslims being reduced to third class citizens the Tanzania polity had drastically changed, the country was confounded with religious animosity. Pressure had begun building up since Nyerere was in power and Muslims had begun agitating against the status quo.  President Ali Hassan Mwinyi found himself facing a religious problem which he did not bargain for. Under such a political climate President Mwinyi could not augur well with a Christian dominated cabinet and the civil service as the bureaucrats in these institutions deep in their hearts had their allegiance elsewhere and resented a Muslim president. Soon opposition to Mwinyi's rule within his cabinet and ruling party, the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) surfaced into the open.

President Mwinyi did not help the situation because whenever he talked about the religious problem, his speeches were vague, middle of the road type. He eluded pointing at the source of the conflict between Muslims and government probably for fear of aggravating the volatile situation even further.  A typical speech by Mwinyi would be reported by the government paper that he has declared war on ‘agitators’ and the ‘disgruntled’ and that they would not be allowed to divide the nation along religious lines.[4] On the other hand Muslims insisted that the agitation against the Christian dominated government was not directed towards Christianity nor were Muslims struggling to establish sharia in Tanzania. The danger signs were on the wall for all to see and to take heed. But all said and done the political system bequeathed from Nyerere was not yet ready to accept a Muslim president least of all a Zanzibari.

However the Muslim problem was treated as a case of few misguided ‘Muslim fundamentalists’ financed by external forces meaning Islamic republic of Iran and were a result of Mwinyi's weakness. The ruling party also was responsible for creating religious tension not so much by ignoring Muslim grievances but by meddling into them. On several occasions CCM had organised seminars purported to create understanding between the government, party and religious leaders on topics the government thought needed participation and support of religious leaders. Whereas these seminars were not a problem to the Church, they posed fundamental problems to Muslims. In reality these seminars were organised as a way to try and subjugate basic teachings of Islam. CCM organised seminars in which sheikhs from BAKWATA were invited. These seminars funded by Christian powers in Europe had a hidden agenda incompatible with Islam. The inclusion of sheikhs had purpose, first it was meant to improve the image of government in the eyes of Muslims and second, the inclusion of sheikhs was to act as rubber stamps to whatever decisions passed.

The Church working within CCM realising that Sheikh Kassim was backing President Mwinyi circumvented him and made contact with new up coming mediocre organisations which the government had now allowed to register and operate as means to defeat Muslims who were organising outside BAKWATA. In a show of good public relations the Catholic Church presented to Muslims the Pope’s message to mark the 25th anniversary of the World Peace Day. The message was delivered to ironically Tewa Said Tewa former president of the EAMWS by Pope’s ambassador to Tanzania, Monseigneur Agostino Machetto and the Secretary of the Apostolic, Father Gabriele Gaccia and Peter Smith, an expert propagandist and resource person in Muslim-Christian affairs in the Catholic Church.[5] It is not difficult to understand why the Catholic Church could not dare come out openly and deliver Pope’s message of peace to BAKWATA. Sheikh Kassim bin Juma was never invited to these palavers, seminars and meetings. Sheikh Kassim bin Juma rose to the occasion and in his Jumaa Khutbas publicly criticised the government and party in meddling in Muslim affairs. Sheikh Kassim bin Juma’s face in the government papers became an endangered species. Sheikh Kassim owed allegiance to President Mwinyi and could therefore not as well serve the Catholic Church or Nyerere, his old benefactor. Sheikh Kassim was now considered an enemy. The government paper now carried the faces of other Muslim cronies. The new Christian leadership in Tanzania considered Sheikh Kassim a liability not ally it used to depend on times of crisis. Sheikh Kassim bin Juma was grouped together with Mwinyi as ‘nuisance’ to good function of the Church and government. Sheikh Kassim bin Juma soon enough realised war has been declared upon him.

Intrigues against President Mwinyi

Reverend Christopher Mtikila, Head of Full Salvation Church and Chairman of Democratic Party (DP) became an icon of the anti – Mwinyi campaign. [6]He openly declared his mission as that of defending Christianity against Islam. Mtikila came to prominence in 1987 when he circulated a letter at the CCM Kizota Conference in Dodoma in which he accused Mwinyi of propping up Islam at the expense of Christianity. Mtikila’s party’s manifesto is to break the union between Zanzibar and Tanganyika and to expel Arabs, Somalis and Indians from the country. Conspicuously absent from his list of expulsion were Europeans. In his many speeches Mtikila showed outright contempt to religious tolerance, the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar and to the cherished ideals of Tanzania as a multi-racial society. In a daring and dramatic encroachment of the Church into politics, the Tanzania Press Club hosted Reverend Christopher Mtikila, secretary of Full Salvation Church. In that press luncheon Mtikila attacked Mwinyi's government as being corrupt echoing Nyerere's speech of February that year. [7]  Mtikila was not a new name in anti- Mwinyi campaign. In 1987 during the CCM-NEC conference in Dodoma he distributed a document which among many allegations against Mwinyi he accused him of supporting “Muslim fundamentalism” and slotting Muslims into important positions in his government. In reality Muslim cabinet ministers were negligible and Muslim principal secretaries are non-existing. Mwinyi like his predecessor Julius Nyerere ignored Muslims’ call for rectifying this imbalance. Mwinyi like Nyerere refused to equal Muslim-Christian power sharing. This is the source of Muslim agitation and is one single factor which cut across and unites all Muslims throughout the country. And as a jewel to the reverend’s crown on several occasions Mtikila’s followers went on rampage beating up Indians and Arabs. Sheikh Kassim in one of his khutbaswas to mention that if an Arab or Indian is mentioned Muslims should be aware that it means Arab Muslim and Indian Muslims. Strange enough the state-radio provided air time to Reverend Mtikila’s outbursts.[8] Mtikila was even invited to speak at the famous Nkrumah Hall at University of Dar es Salaam where he castigated Mwinyi and demanded in the conclusion of his speech that the Church must show the way.

Joining in this anti - Mwinyi anti Muslim campaign was the newly established free press controlled by the Christian lobby. The press picked on Muslims ministers scandalising them at will. Muslims in the governments were accused by the press for all sorts of offences from ‘building mosques in their offices’ to ‘selling the country to rich Arab Sheikhs’ from the Middle East. Even the vocabulary changed. People began to be refered to by the colour of their skins. The press began to identify people as ‘Arabs,’ ‘Indians’ and ‘indigenous Africans’ reminiscent of colonial days; with the exception that during colonial days Africans were then refered to as ‘natives.’  The press scandalised, ridiculed and poked fun at President Mwinyi with impunity, at times even questioning his appointments of Muslim functionaries. The press also insinuated on the dropping from the cabinet of Kingunge Ngombale Mwiru, Getrude Mongela and Joseph Warioba as being influenced by religious sentiments.[9]  Included in this war of words were selected Muslim Ministers. President Ali Hassan Mwinyi, Prof. Kighoma Malima, Fatma Said Ali, Hassan Diria then Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation and Mustapha Nyang’anyi became favourite targets of ridicule by the private tabloids. It seemed the Christian lobby was irked that those powerful portfolios were in Muslims hands. This is a class which has been in power close to three decades and was used to privileges.  The government and party owned media seemed to have lost allegiance to the government including loyalty to the president himself.

It was around this time that the Christian lobby in parliament organised itself into a group of 55 MPs to demand restoration of the government of Tanganyika within the union because Zanzibar had joined Organisation of Islamic Countries (OIC). This threatened the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar. Unique with the G55 was that all of them were from a distinct group in the Parliament which had excelled and was known by Muslims throughout the country inside and outside the Parliament for its anti - Muslim stand. This was the first time that it became clear to Muslims that the Church was indeed in control of all instruments of power in the country. Although Zanzibar government denied having joined the OIC copies of official documents proving Zanzibar’s application and acceptance by the OIC were published in the press. It is believed that the letters which were published by the press which for the first time brought the OIC into public notice were stolen from a confidential file of the Chief Minister’s Office in Zanzibar.[10]

When Zanzibar admitted that it had indeed joined the OIC despite of all the denials and had in fact even attended one of OIC meetings, the Parliament threatened to impeach President Mwinyi for contravening the constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania. Sheikh Kassim warned that if President Mwinyi is in any way made to vacate the presidency he would call upon Muslims to rise up against the government. The Christian lobby retracted and Mwinyi was saved. In 1950s when Muslims were in control of politics they never allowed Nyerere to be humbled by dissident Muslims. Sheikhs always rose up in unison to defend and protect the nationalist – secularist ideology of TANU. The history of TANU from its early days of formation from Tanganyika African Association (TAA) in 1954 to 1958 when Muslims for fear of being marginalised by Christians after independence formed the All Muslims National Union of Tanganyika (AMNUT) is full of incidences of Muslims backing TANU’s nationalist-secularist ideology. Such patriotism was not forthcoming from Nyerere or the Church. This made Sheikh Kassim to reflect how the country could have reached that stage.

Catholic Bishops and Pastoral Letters

The Church should have risen to condemn Reverend Mtikila but it did not do so instead Catholic Bishops of Tanzania through the Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC) began to issue what came to be known as Pastoral Letters which was very critical of Mwinyi's rule accusing his government of every ill in the country from incompetence to corruption.[11] The Pastoral Letters were echoed by the media and the state - radio. The Pastoral Letters were the last straw which broke the camel's back. It was now evident that the Catholic Church was mixing politics with religion to the detriment of the country, the aim which was to destabilise President Mwinyi and undermine his confidence. Nyerere also joined in attacking Mwinyi publicly accusing him of religious bigotry.[12]  

Sheikh Kassim convinced that President Mwinyi as well as other Muslim ministers were targets for attack because of their  faith and nothing else, stood up to defend Mwinyi's presidency. Not having the instrument of power under his full control because the Christian dominated bureaucracy had their allegiance elsewhere, President Mwinyi could not influence public opinion nor could he control the state administrative machinery. For the first time Sheikh Kassim's oratory skills which two decades ago were placed at the disposal of Nyerere, were now put to defend not only President Mwinyi but Islam as well and to publicly attack Nyerere. Sheikh Kassim's Friday khutba changed assuming militant posture full of political rhetoric attacking the press and Christians whom he accused of undermining Mwinyi's rule simply because the Church could not stand a Muslim head of state. Sheikh Kassim bin Juma in broad day light and with loud speakers blaring full blast at his Mtoro Mosque more than once mentioned Julius Nyerere, the former president, by name as an enemy of Islam.

Muslims were thrilled by Sheikh Kassim's khutbas and his sudden change against the establishment and Nyerere, his former benefactor.  Muslims in thousands now thronged the Mtoro Mosque to come and listen to Sheikh Kassim's Friday khutbas. Mtoro Mosque overnight became the centre of resistance against forces opposing Mwinyi's rule. Sheikh Kassim called upon Muslims to rise up and over-throw the Christian dominated government which had oppressed them since independence. Sheikh Kassim's khutbas were recorded in cassettes and distributed by the Ansar Sunna movement throughout the country. It was at this stage that Nyerere summoned Sheikh Kassim to his residence and asked him why he was reviling his name. In a tense encounter my informant told me that Sheikh Kassim told Nyerere point blank that he was not insulting him but speaking the truth. The die was cast. A reason had to be found to clip the wings of Sheikh Kassim bin Juma and that came in the form of the pork riots of 1993 on a Good Friday in April 1993.

The Pork Riots of 1993

In the city of Dar es Salaam alone there were twenty nine pork butcheries. There occurred incidences where Muslims have been sold pork either by design or by fault. This created animosity between Muslims and Christian butcher owners. Muslims had for many years complained to the government about selling of pork in Muslim populated areas but the authorities had ignored them.[13] The problem of pork butcheries was even referred to the Prime Minister and Vice-President John Malecela but nothing was done to solve the problem. This was after Muslims had seen the Dar es Salaam Regional Commissioner, Mustapha Nyang’anyi. The riots came after an abortive meeting between imams of five prominent mosques in the area and the District Commissioner Wilson Mkama failed to resolve the nuisance of pig butcheries. In no uncertain manner short of an ultimatum the imams requested the District Commissioner to close down the butcheries. [14]

The District Commissioner was contemptuous at the imams and he impressed upon them that the butcheries were legally licensed and the government was duty bound to protect them from being molested by few ‘Muslim fundamentalists.’ It was this government reaction which broke the camel’s back. On Easter Friday while Christians were observing the crucifixion of Christ a group of Muslims in Magomeni, Tandale and Manzese in Kinondoni District went on rampage and demolished pork butcheries owned by Christian traders. In an operation on that Easter Friday afternoon a group of Muslims youngsters like well trained commando squad moved swiftly through Kinondoni District demolishing pig butcheries amidst chants of Allahu Akbar. This was the first ever physical attack by Muslims on Christian property justified by religious belief since independence. In taking the law into their own hands Muslims had fired their first warning shot. When news of the attack became known the government held its breath.

President Mwinyi who was in Zanzibar on official engagement unwisely and driven by the fear that the country was moving towards the dreaded clash between Muslims and Christians, issued a hurried condemnation of the attack and ordered that all those responsible for the attack should be made to feel the full weight of state power. By that statement a simple case of few frustrated young Muslims hotheads driven to action by insensitivity of the government to genuine grievances, was blown out of proportion into a national crisis. The government and party media including the state radio warned of the dangers of ‘Muslim fundamentalists in Tanzania.’ The Christian lobby saw in Mwinyi's statement a blank cheque to crash all Muslims it considered dangerous to their interests. The Prime Minister and Vice-President John Malecela issued a strong statement condemning the attack. [15]In an interview with the BBC Swahili Service, Malecela referred to the imams and other Muslims who were arrested as a result of the pork conflict as ‘hooligans whose aim is to acquire power through religion.’[16] 

The Minister of Home Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister Augustine Mrema, issued a statement saying that he was convinced the act was precipitated by an outside Muslim power to destabilise the country. The Secretary General of the CCM Horace Kolimba giving the position of the party said that those who attacked the butcheries were not Muslims but hooligans whose aim was to overthrow the government.[17] It was not explained how unarmed ‘imam hooligans’ could overthrow a government. A total of forty Muslims activists including Muslim Bible scholars were arrested. Among those arrested was Salum Khamis the Chairman of Baraza Kuu (a rival Muslim organisation formed by Muslims to counter BAKWATA), Sheikh Yahya Hussein Chairman of BALUKTA (Tanzania Council of Qur’an Reading) and Sheikh Salum Rajab leader of the Ansar.  Sheikh Salum Rajab was arrested on charges of bomb making. The news of the arrests of Muslims by the state security agents triggered Muslim anger.

In 1960s when Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir was arrested Muslims were least concerned. Times had now changed drastically. On Easter Sunday after the arrests of imams became known a relatively small crowd of Muslims went to the Central Police Station were the imamswere detained to bail them. The police arrested and anyone who went to the front desk to enquire about the arrested imams. Meanwhile other Muslims assembled outside the police station not knowing what was taking place inside the police station. When it was the time for L’Asr prayers the crowd performed their prayers outside the police station. This act infuriated the policemen. Some of them wanted to come out and disperse them with tear gas but sense prevailed when some of Muslim policemen objected arguing that those people had assembled peaceful and there was nothing wrong if they decide to offer their prayers in open space. Late in the evening the crowd decided to leave after they were told that the people they had chosen to represent them to the police were also arrested. This infuriated Muslims even further.

What followed on Easter Monday was unprecedented in the history of Tanzania. After the arrests of the imams the previous day at the Central Police, Muslims from all corners of Dares Salaam assembled at the Mtoro Mosque to discuss their next step. Muslims were informed that Sheikh Kassim bin Juma who was in Arusha enroute to Nairobi for medical treatment was also arrested on orders of Augustine Mrema the Minister of Home Affairs. It was at the Mtoro Mosque with rain falling that Muslim in thousands chanting Allahu Akbar began to march towards Central Police Station where thirteen imams were detained to demand their release.  Muslims were out into the streets to demonstrate and register their anger against the Christian dominated government. For the first time since independence riot police in full battle gear clashed with Muslims in the streets and further arrests were made. Muslims totalling 70 were remanded at Ukonga Prison. They were denied food from home and medical attention. It was only after 11 Muslims fell seriously sick that the Ministry of Home Affairs allowed them medical attention. In the interrogations at the police station the arrested Muslims were more quizzed on the problem of Muslim Bible preaching than on the alleged participation in demolishing the pork butcheries. At that time there were a lot of conversions of Christians reverting back to Islam through open air preaching by Muslim Bible scholars.

After his arrests Sheikh Kassim was detained at a military camp in Monduli, a few miles from Arusha town and was later flown back to Dar es Salaam under heavy escort. Sheikh Kassim was to reveal to his close confidants that his captors were under instructions to torture him. At the military camp in Monduli he was to witness many horrifying scenes. While in remand he was put under solitary confinement and denied medical attention. When he was brought back to Dar es Salaam from Monduli Sheikh Kassim was received by the Field Force Unit like a dangerous criminal and escorted to his house in Upanga where his house was searched. While the police were conducting the search and going through his library they took that opportunity to ridicule him by uttering degrading words. The police found nothing but took away his Jumaa Khutbaswhich they claimed were subversive.[18] Sheikh Kassim was brought before the court and charged for 'inciting religious animosity between Muslims and Christians.”[19] The government began to unleash a psychological war on Sheikh Kassim. The government and party press began to make up dirty stories about his social life and published them in newspapers to undermine his confidence. The government and party press which for years had built up Sheikh Kassim's image and personality now became his worst enemies.

Sheikh Kassim was brought before the court and charged for 'inciting religious animosity between Muslims and Christians.’ Sheikh Kassim was refused bail and remanded in Keko prison for forty days. In total defiance to the government and in show of solidarity to the arrested imams Muslims in thousands braved the drizzle and converged at the Resident Magistrate Court to hear the case of the arrested Muslims. Muslim symbols in form of dress, mannerism and outright objection to the government was very much in display outside the court. An interesting act which incensed the court was when Muslim prayed before the grounds of the Resident’s Magistrate Court, Kisutu. Since the place was small Muslims had to move up to the road facing the court to pray. The afternoon rush hour traffic had to stop for a while to allow Muslims complete their prayer.

This act came to be presented by the Magistrate as a reason for not allowing bail because there still was tension since Muslims were assembling before the court and offer prayers on its grounds. Among those in remand prison were three Muslim boys who were attending primary school.  When the police raided the house of Sheikh Salum Rajab leader of the Ansar to search for bombs, they also arrested the three boys. All attempts by lawyers to ask the court to release them from remand pleading their innocence as victims of circumstances and for their tender age were refused. [20]

Muslims formed an ad hoc[21]committee which was to deal with the case and to mobilise and appraise Muslims of the current political climate in the country. The committee appeared in mosques in Dar es Salaam and presented the plight of Muslims in Tanzania. The committee organised itkaf (night supplication). In all these gatherings the message was: the government was anti-Muslim and pro-Christian, Muslims beware. The government and the Christian lobby were frightened by these events. The emergency cabinet meetings chaired by President Mwinyi discussed everything about the Muslim problem but its source. The government seemed to be satisfied in chasing the shadow of Muslim fundamentalism bogey.

BAKWATA’s response to the pork crisis dropped upon Muslims like a bomb shell. The Grand Mufti the late Sheikh Hemed bin Jumaa bin Hemed advised the government to make sure that Muslims who were remanded for allegedly demolishing pork butcheries get long prison sentences because they were dangerous people who after this would go to attack churches and breweries. There was no message from him to the government to reconsider its policy and stand or to re-examine by laws on pork rearing for the sake of national harmony.[22] After several appearances the case being on mention the charge was withdrawn and Sheikh Kassim was set free after the court ruled out that his arrest and remand was unlawful. Out of remand prison, Sheikh Kassim continued to inspire Muslims in their demand for equal power sharing with Christians in all centres of authority and re-examined his relationship with President Mwinyi. Sheikh Kassim was arrested and charged once again as previously. On his second arrest security in broad daylight officers went to Mtoro Mosque to arrest Sheikh Kassim in the sight of his followers. Soon after Sheikh Kassim was released and charges withdrawn as before.

The Last Days

Out of prison for the second time those close to him could not fail to notice that his health was failing. With his health failing Sheikh Kassim continued to inspire and mobilise Muslims with the same zeal. The establishment and the political system he had served for almost half of his adult life now alienated sheikh Kassim bin Juma treating him as a renegade. At this juncture Sheikh Kassims khutbas were melancholy and sad at times mentioning the names of Muslim patriots who had supported Nyerere during the struggle for independence but their roles have not been requited. He also mentioned Muslims who have betrayed fellow Muslims selling themselves to the government.  In one of his memorable and most popular Jumaa khutba which his supporters have labelled as Leo Nitataja Majina (Today I Will Mention Names) Sheikh Kassim bin Juma talked about the patriotism of the late Abdulwahid Sykes and his support to Nyerere and TANU. He told his audience how upon the death of Abdulwahid he was asked by the family to prepare his body for burial which he did together with Maalim Matar. Maalim Matar was a victim of the Detention Act detained.  Maalim Matar was in no way involved in politics. He was known in Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar for his piety and love of the Prophet SAW and for teaching Qur’an. In any Maulid he attended Maalim Matar would be given the honour recite the fathasignalling the beginning of Maulid.  Maalim Matar was a sufi and a very likeable character. He always carried a tasbih for dhikr. He never indulged himself in politics but was nevertheless detained by Nyerere seemingly for no apparent reason.

The mention of Maalim Matar was therefore not without meaning. Sheikh Kassim was in the game for too long not to have known that his khutbas were being monitored and Nyerere was listening in. Sheikh Kassim wanted purposely to embarrass Nyerere. Nyerere after being in full control of the country he severed his tie with Abdulwahid Sykes and other patriots who founded TANU. Nyerere did not want to recognise nor honour the contribution of Sykes in the founding of TANU although the party can be traced from his father who was the founding secretary of the African Association the predecessor of TANU. Sheikh Kassim was in other words defying Nyerere. Sheikh Kassim knew Nyerere’s psychology. The mention of Abdulwahid associating his name with Nyerere’s rise to power was like a sword piercing through Nyerere’s heart. Nyerere never mentioned the patriots who were in politics before him because he wanted the people to adore him and him alone as the founding father. It was clear that Sheikh Kassim was exposing him to Muslims as a swindler and an ungrateful guest who after enjoying the hospitality of his host spit on his face. In the last days of his life Sheikh Kassim was a person tormented and in deep anguish. His mind was reflecting of where he had come from and needed to undo certain memories. Sheikh Kassim knew he had dented the government and Nyerere's reputation and confidence before the eyes of Muslims. Sheikh Kassim bin Juma had built a very strong case against Nyerere, Church and government.

It was during this time that Sheikh Kassim's health deteriorating drastically was admitted into a mission hospital. The press could not resist the innuendo reporting that Sheikh Kassim was admitted in mission hospital in Dar es Salaam. The insinuation was there for all to see. Sheikh Kassim did not publicly reveal what actually happened to him when he was under police custody. [23] Sheikh Kassim was discharged and went to Mombasa where he died on 15 January, 1994. It was only after his death that a Swahili weekly paper Baraza reported that Sheikh Kassim was refused medical attention while under police custody. The paper accused the Minister of Home Affairs Augustine Mrema for causing the death of Sheikh Kassim. The government acted swiftly, the issue was rounded up in a single swoop and the newspaper banned.

Muslims in Dar es Salaam gave Sheikh Kassim funeral which will remain in their memory for many years to come. Just as they had for the last two years flocked his Mtoro Mosque to listen to his inspiring khutbas, so in thousands they came to morn his death. The government was fully represented at the funeral. President Mwinyi and the Prime Minister John Malecela came to be with Sheikh Kassim in his last journey. Nyerere was absent. Realising the political benefits to be reaped on Sheikh Kassim's funeral the state propaganda machinery was put into full gear. Muslims, Sheikh Kassim's friends and relatives were hushed and pushed back and propagandists hijacked the funeral turning it into a semi-state function. Conspicuously absent from the funeral were Christian cabinet Ministers and Augustine Mrema, the powerful Minister of Home Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister who had vowed to crush all ‘Muslims Fundamentalists’ in Tanzania.

Conclusion

Sheikh Kassim could have risen to greatness even without the support of Nyerere or state machinery because he had charisma. But Nyerere could not have succeeded in his plans to ban the EAMWS, arrest and detain his Muslims ‘enemies,’ deport Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir without the support of Sheikh Kassim bin Juma. Kassim Juma’s role and support was crucial to Nyerere in his effort to create a new solid power base he could trust. Nyerere’s creation of a new era went hand in hand with conceited efforts to re-write the political history of Tanzania wiping out completely the role of Muslims in the struggle for independence. The history of nationalism and that of TANU is today synonymous with the biography of Julius Kambarage Nyerere ‘The Father of the Nation.’

If President Mwinyi was aware that it was Sheikh Kassim who saved him from being impeached and toppled from power, he did not show any sign of appreciation, not towards Sheikh Kassim nor towards Muslims. If Sheikh Kassim thought he would in reciprocation receive support of president Mwinyi in the cause he was fighting for, that support never came. Sheikh Kassim although he had supported President Mwinyi he had become a political pariah in the process and Mwinyi kept his distance. The state knew Sheikh Kassim had already crossed the floor to be counted and be identified with Muslims in their struggle against an unjust system. It is for this and nothing else that Muslims turned out in thousands to mourn the passing of Sheikh Kassim bin Juma bin Khamis. If President Mwinyi knew and his appreciation was the semi-state funeral, nothing could be more insulting to Sheikh Kassim's memory than that. But what is unique in the story of Sheikh Kassim in comparison to his fellow conspirators in the EAMWS crisis of 1968 is the fact that all of them died miserably suffering silently regretting their role in subverting the unity of Muslims in Tanzania in particular and East Africa in general. It was only Sheikh Kassim bin Juma bin Khamis among them all who paid Nyerere in his own coin and in broad daylight.

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[1] Kiwanuka, K.Mayanja, The Politics of Islam in Bukoba District, BA Thesis, University of Dar es Salaam, 1973.

[2] Before his death Rashid Kayugwa confessed that the State Intelligence was involved in undermining the EAMWS.

[3] BAKWATA has been a stumbling block to Muslim progress as it has, particularly in the mainland prevented Muslims to carry out any meaningful development plans. While Catholics were free to organise under Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC) and the Anglicans under Tanzania Council of Churches (TCC), Muslims have no independent organisation to represent them.

 [4]Daily News, 9 November, 1989

[5]There have also been contacts between the Catholic Church and hand -picked Muslim organisation like BALUKTA (Qur’an Recitation Council) and BAKWATA. See Daily News, 24 December, 1991.

[6] For more information see MSAUD paper, “Vita vya Mchungaji Mtikila Dhidi ya Uislam,” 3 February, 1993. Also Rev. C. Mtikila Kwa Mwenyekiti Kamati ya Masuala ya Dini Nchini FSC/ADM/370 27 April, 1989.

[7]Business Times, 22 June, 1990.

[8] At that time more than ten private newspapers under Christian ownership were in circulation.

[9] See Mwinyi’s Dilemma, New African, June, 1989, Also Tanzania's Religious Politics," New African, November, 1989. Also see "Religious Controversy in Tanzania,” Africa Events, November, 1989 and Warsha, ‘’Fitina inayotukabili Waislam 14 Julai, 1989, Dhul Haj,’’ 1409 H.

[10] During Mwinyi’s government many confidential documents were stolen and exposed to general public through the press.  President Mwinyi confided to close associates that he lived under perpetual fear of being bugged by his own security personnel. Indeed a conversation between Principal Secretary Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Ibrahim Msabaha and the Tanzania Embassy in Washington was bugged and transcript of the conversation published in the private press. Dr Msabaha went to court to contest the publishing of confidential government information and lost the case with costs.

[11] Al-Markaz Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, “Barua ya Kisiasa ya Maaskofu: Maaskofu Wana Nafasi Gani Katika Serikali ya Nchi Hii.”

[12] Kiongozi, 1-15 January, 1994.

[13] For a detailed account of the pork crisis see Umoja wa Wanafunzi Waislam Chuo Kikuu Dar es Salaam, 15 April, 1993 “Kauli ya MSAUD Juu ya Suala la Ngururuwe.”

[14] Barua yaMaimamu wa Misikiti ya Kagera, Mwembe Chai, Makuti Tandale, Manzese kwa Mkuu wa Wilaya Kinondoni, 18 March, 1993.

[15]Mzalendo, 11 April, 1993.

[16] BBC Swahili Service interview of 12 April 1993.

[17] Uhuru , 15 April, 1993.

[18] Bahari,11 Februari, 1993.

[19] Criminal Case No. 994 of 1993 Republic v/s 1. Sheikh Kassim bin Jumaa bin Khamis 2. Khalifa Khamisi 3. Alhaj Abubakar Mwaipopo.

[20] As luck would have it a few months after the arrests of these young Muslim boys, student of Tambaza Secondary Schoolwere involved in a brawl with a bus conductor and they beat the conductor to death. The boys were arrested and put under custody. All the boys involved in he case were Christians mostly from middle-upper class families. The Christian lobby went into action. The case was rushed through the court and all the boys released and the case dismissed. The reason given was that the students were leaders of tomorrow they are released so that they go back to school and do their examinations. As those boys walked away scot-free even after causing death the Muslim boys were languished in remand prison and when the case kept on being mentioned for a very long time because the bombs which were allegedly made by Sheikh Salum Rajab and members of the Ansar and those boys could not be produced as exhibits in court. The Christian lobby is everywhere it knows where justice should prevail and to what kind of people justice should be denied.

[21] Kamati ya Kupigania Haki za Waislam.

[22] Khutba ya Sheikh Mkuu wa BAKWATA Hemed bin Juma aliyotoa kwenye Baraza la Maulid Mwanza 31 August, 1993.

[23] Sheikh Kassim conferred to close confidants that he was tortured while in custody and denied medical attention.