The Founding of Baraza Kuu (The Supreme Council of Islamic Organisations and Institutions of Tanzania)

The Founding of Baraza Kuu

(The Supreme Council of Islamic Organisations and Institutions of Tanzania)

Standing the late Sheikh Hemed bin Jumaa bin Hemed BAKWATA Grand Mufti

By Mohamed Said

By 1990s BAKWATA was literally dead. Its decision to appease the government and to distance itself from each and every Muslims issue made it irrelevant. Yet its leadership had the audacity to blame the government that it had not supported it by allowing other independent organisations to exist. On 17 April, 1991 during an Idd Baraza at Arnautoglo Hall, Dar es Salaam President Mwinyi was invited to the occasion by BAKWATA as a guest of honour. In his speech to welcome the president, the Vice-Chairman of BAKWATA, Suleiman Hegga accused the government of indecision in hesitating to curb Muslim groups which in his views were undermining BAKWATA. Hegga’s speech was in fact a lament to the government that it had withdrawn its support to a long time ally in face of opposition from a common foe.¹

In his reply President Mwinyi told the BAKWATA leadership to stop complaining and advised them to convene a meeting of all Muslim organisations to discuss whatever differences BAKWATA might be having with Muslims. This advice by the government was ignored by BAKWATA. What BAKWATA envisaged was for the government to use its powers to effect a crackdown of those independent Muslims organisations to enable BAKWATA enjoy centre stage in Muslims affairs. Muslims had long decided that the only way forward was for each organisation in its locality to try and help Muslims in its own way. As these Muslims became engaged in various activities from building simple madrasto providing tuition to school children BAKWATA increasingly became redundant and hence the statement by BAKWATA that the government was allowing other Muslim organisations to “meddle” into their exclusive zone, that of preventing Muslims to have any influence in the political system.

It was now obvious that BAKWATA did not command support or respect of Muslims. It did not have a competent leadership in terms of education and experience to administer such an organisation. BAKWATA did not have a single graduate in its administrative machinery. It had become the norm rather than the exception that in order for a Muslim to be accepted in BAKWATA his education has to be mediocre. Since Muslims were supportive to these independent organisation it was felt that it was high time for this loose leadership to manifest itself and take-over the leadership BAKWATA for the good of Islam. This act it was felt was important and necessary in order to formalise and confirm its status as the true Muslim representative.

The only organisation thought fit to co-ordinate all those Muslim organisations and convene a meeting to discuss the future of Islam in Tanzania was the Dar es Salaam University Muslim Trusteeship (DUMT). DUMT convened a meeting in which all Muslim organisations based in Dar es Salaam including BAKWATA were invited. The agenda of the meeting was how to solve the leadership crisis in BAKWATA. The meeting was held at the University of Dar es Salaam and was chaired by Tewa Said Tewa the former chairman of the EAMWS.²BAKWATA refused to attend this meeting. Several meting were to be held at the university under the chairmanship of DUMT between July and September, 1991. Emissaries were sent to the regions to consult with the independent Muslim leadership on the possibility of convening a national Muslim conference to debate on the future of Islam in Tanzania. The responses from the regions were very encouraging. BAKWATA tried its best to sabotage the conference. It sent its own emissaries to the region to try to persuade Muslims not to attend the conference. It also sent a letter to the government to ask its intervention to stop the conference.

On 15 September, 1991 a National Muslim Conference was held at Nkrumah Hall of Dar es Salaam University. ³Appreciating the sensitivity of Muslim politics the select committee which was co-ordinating Muslim affairs sent each and every minutes of the meeting to the President’s Office. President Mwinyi realising religious issues which required government intervention, had established a special desk of religious affairs. President Mwinyi sent Abdulrahman Kinana, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation to open the conference. Kinana delivered a message from the government which said that the government would cooperate with Muslims in finding a solution to their problems so long as Muslims pursued their goal peacefully.

In the history of Muslim movement in Tanzania never before had such a huge number of Muslim activists assembled in one place. Delegates came as far as Kagera and Rukwa. All who rose to speak had nothing but condemnation for the leadership in BAKWATA and none was more vocal than Sheikh Kassim bin Juma. In his speech to the delegates he said he supported the new initiative to provide a strong and dependable leadership to Muslims of Tanzania but was worried with the factor that the leadership which was poised to lead Muslims was comprised of the Ansar (Orthodox Muslims). The conference by acclamation ousted the BAKWATA leadership from power except the Grand Mufti Sheikh Hemed bin Juma bin Hemed on the ground that it did not have qualifications to lead a Muslim organisation. A 15-man caretaker committee under Sheikh Salum Khamis, a retired civil servant and a graduate Makerere College was elected and given the task to prepare for general election to enable Muslims choose its own leadership freely.

The committee was to run the organisation for an interim period of three months after which a general election was to be called. Its other task was to give BAKWATA direction according to the Holy Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet (SAW). But its most important responsibility was the amendment of the constitution passed in Iringa in 1968 and change of the official name. This had a special significance to Muslims and the organisation as a whole because the amendment of the constitution and change of name meant a break with the dark past. The BAKWATA constitution was a replica of the constitution of the then ruling party TANU. The committee issued a statement which stated that:

BAKWATA had been used to control Muslims instead of dealing with their development. As a result of this Muslims in different parts of the country had formed their own organisations to look after their religious interests. There was a lot of animosity between the council and the various organisations which effected the development of Muslims in the country.⁴

It is said that at this juncture the Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT) sent a secret delegation to the Minister of Home Affairs Augustine Mrema to request him to use his powers to prevent the new Muslim leadership from coming to power in BAKWATA for what it feared was a strong Muslim independent leadership which will challenge Christian hegemony wherever it existed and would promote “Muslim fundamentalism.” The Caretaker Committee requested a meeting with the Minister of Home Affairs and the Registrar of Societies in order to have their co-operation for a peaceful and orderly transition but all of them refused to meet the Committee. The Registrar of Societies wrote to the committee accusing it of flouting the constitution.

Meanwhile rumours were circulating in Dar es Salaam that BAKWATA leadership had asked Nyerere to intervene and use his powers to prevent the new leadership into coming to power. This rumours incensed Muslims and hostility to BAKWATA leadership was intensified to the extent that it had to be provided with security by the government. Sheikh Hemed bin Juma the Grand Mufti nor the Acting Secretary General Rajab Kundya, who was at the centre of criticism because he was married to a Christian, could freely go to their offices for fear of being physically attacked by Muslims. BAKWATA was overwhelmed by hostility from the Muslim community. Meanwhile the BAKWATA leadership under the Grand Mufti Sheikh Hemed bin Juma refused to hand over power to the popular will of Muslims. BAKWATA issued a statement which stated that the constitution of the organisation protected its leadership from being ousted and therefore the leadership was still in power.⁵By the end of December signs of violent change were evident.

On 4 th January, 1992 Muslims held a meeting at the Diamond Jubilee Hall. This followed the conference held at the Nkrumah Hall in September, 1991. It was at that conference that Muslims were informed that even as they were deliberating in the hall, the committee had ordered the invasion of BAKWATA headquarters and Dar es Salaam regional office including Al Haramain School. The conference was informed that the offices have been secured and occupied. President Mwinyi intervened and called a meeting in his office between the Grand Mufti Sheikh Hemed bin Juma and his executive committee and the Caretaker Committee of Sheikh Salum Khamis.

The Caretaker Committee told the president that it would accept nothing short of resignation of the Vice-Chairman Suleiman Hegga, a former broadcaster and Acting Secretary General Rajab Kundya, who was at the centre of criticism for being married to a Christian. These people the committee reiterated were not fit to lead Muslims. It was then decided to resolve the crisis on the following terms:

1.   The crisis should be solved through due process of law. BAKWATA offices forcefully occupied by the committee should be opened and its officials allowed performing their duties.

2.   All executive posts in BAKWATA should be advertised to enable qualified Muslims apply.

3.    BAKWATA and Baraza Kuu should form a committee of five persons each forming a central committee of 10 members which would be required to do the following:

           i.          To conduct elections from grassroots level of the mosques up to national level

         ii.          To prepare proposal for a new constitution.

The president ordered the two parties to solve the leadership crisis fast and peacefully and ended with a threatening note to the two parties that if they disturbed the peace the government will come very strong against them. The Committee assured the President that it would solve the Muslim crisis sensibly.

While the committee fulfilled its part of the agreement, BAKWATA did not adhere to the above and refused to fulfil theirs. The Grand Mufti chose to snub President Mwinyi. On 12 February, in a live broadcast from Songea during Maulid celebrations, Sheikh Hemed bin Jumaa sneered at the efforts of the President arguing that president Mwinyi was involving himself in trying to effect changes to BAKWATA without being conversant with its history and objectives; and without knowing why it was formed by the government of Julius Nyerere in the first place.⁶

Failing to dislodge BAKWATA from its offices the committee decided to lodge its own application to the Registrar of Societies for registration. Muslims had come up with an innovation which would force the government to officially allow another national Muslim organisation to operate and serve the Muslim community. The government sat on the application for more than a year. Meanwhile Baraza Kuu continued to operate and enjoy Muslim support. The vacuum created by BAKWATA for its non-compliance of the wishes of Muslims was ably filled by Baraza Kuu.⁷

On 28 April, 1993 bizarre occurrence took place. In desperation and in its effort to salvage BAKWATA the Minister of Home Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister Augustine Mrema convened a meeting between Muslims and Christians at the Diamond Jubilee Hall, Dar es Salaam. The agenda was not stated. The Church sent a strong delegation. Muslims abstained except BAKWATA. The few Muslims who turned up were there out of curiosity rather than conviction that the meeting would bear fruits. When the time for introduction between the two parties came, Muslims refused to shake hands with the Church leadership. Mrema addressed the meeting in which in his speech it was revealed that elections for BAKWATA were long overdue and could not be held because of lack of funds.

The Church volunteered to provide funds to BAKWATA to enable it hold its elections. The Minister for Home Affairs Augustine Mrema also helped to collect money from the business community to fund BAKWATA elections. When eventually BAKWATA met in Dodoma from 10 th -12 th May the guest of honour was Augustine Mrema. Instead of conducting elections BAKWATA passed some constitution changes to empower the Grand Mufti Sheikh Hemed bin Hemed with absolute powers to fire any executive member without being answerable to anyone.

The government reluctantly registered Baraza Kuu. Much as Baraza Kuu has the support of Muslim majority the government still refuses to recognise it throwing its weight and support behind BAKWATA. In response to this Muslims have refused to recognise BAKWATA and so for forty years since its imposition on Muslims by the government in 1968 the standoff between Muslims on one hand and BAKWATA and the government on the other lingers on.

***

1Hotuba ya Suleiman Hega Aliyotoa Kwenye Baraza la Idi El Haj Tarehe 23 June, 1991 Mbele ya Mheshimiwa Rais.

2It should be beared in mind that organised effort to emanse support from Muslims had begun in 1987 and several meetings were held in Dar es Salaam under different venues. See minutes: Muhtasari wa Kikao cha Kamati ya Kupendekeza Muundo wa Chombo Kilichofanyika Tarehe 17/9/89 Shule ya Haramein. Contents of the minutes show that the thrust of the meeting was to forge unity among different da’awa groups and avoid duplication of efforts.

3The night before in an attempt to play down the Muslim National Conference the state-radio announced in its prime time news bulletin that the conference was for delegates from Dar es Salaam only.

4 Daily News, 17 September, 1991.

5 Mfanyakazi, 18 September, 1991.

6Part of the speech appears verbatim in An-Nuur, June, 1993, “Mufti Hemed Afichua Siri Kubwa.”

7Baraza Kuu la Jumuiya na Tasisi za Kiislam 16 Mei, 1992 Kauli Rasmi ya Baraza Kuu, Mkutano wa Chuo Kikuu Dar es Salaam 15 Septemba 1991 na Diamond Jubilee Dar es Salaam 4 Januari, 1992.

SHEIKH CHAMBUSO RAJAB RAMADHANI CHAMBUSO

Sheikh Chambuso akigawa mashaf kwa wanafunzi wake katika shule ya St. Christine Tanga anaowasomesha somo la Islamic Knowledge. 

Sheikh Chambuso mbali na kusomesha Uislam katika shule za sekondari vilevile yeye ni mmoja wa walimu katika mojawapo ya shule ya awali aloaanzisha pamoja na vijana wenzake Mabawa Tanga. Sheikh Chambuso pia ni Imam katika moja ya misikiti maarufu ya Tanga.

Mbali na kusomesha Qur'an Sheikh Chambuso ni mlezi wa vijana na mshauri katika masuala ya elimu na tabia njema kwa vijana wetu.

Ilikuwa katika moja ya kazi zake kuwatumikia Waislam ndipo alipokamatwa Tanga mjini akawekwa rumande, akatishwa na mwishowe alipelekwa Handeni kulipotokea mauaji ya Waislam Oktoba na huko akafunguliwa mashtaka ya kubambikizwa ya ''kushawishi mauaji.''

Sheikh Chambuso alikaa mahabusu kwa takriban wiki mbili na ilikuwa katika kipindi hicho alipokuwa mahabusu ndipo allipoelezwa dhulma walizofanyiwa Waislam wa vijiji vya Madina, Dibungo na Lwande.

Hii ikamfanya Sheikh Chambusio kuwa mtu wa kwanza kutoka Tanga kuwa na taarifa kamili ya kile kilichotokea katika vijiji hivyo.

Sheikh Chambuso anasema alifarajika sana siku ndugu zake walipofika rumande pale Handeni wakamletea gazeti la Annur ambalo ukurasa wa mbele ilichapwa picha yake na taarifa ya kukamatwa kwake.

Sheikh Chambuso anasema siku hiyo gazeti la Annur lilikuwa kivutio kikubwa kwa askari na kila askari aliliomba nagalau na yeye apitie asome habari za Sheikh Chambuso na kukamatwa kwake Tanga.

Hivi sasa yuko nje kwa dhamana. 

Sheikh Chambuso anasema kwa kupata mtihani huu yeye amefarajika sana kwani katika mihangaiko hiyo mpaka ndani ya jela amekutana na baadhi ya vijana ambao yeye aliwasomesha dini katika shule mbalimbali za Tanga na wengine akiwasalisha katika msikiti wake.

Sheikh Chambuso anasema kote huko wanafunzi wake aliowakuta ndani ya kazi zao walikuwa wakiinamisha viichwa vyao mbele yake na kuwekea heshima ya hali ya juu.

In Sha Allah tutakuwa wazi hapa kwa kipindi chote cha kesi ya Sheikh Chambuso na tutaweka taarifa zote zake yeye na za ndugu zetu wa Madina, Dibungo na Lwande.

Itaaendelea...In Sha Allah....

Upande Usiotakiwa Ujulikane Katika Historia ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar

Mohamed Omari Mkwawa (Tindo) mwanamapinduzi aliyesahauliwa,  mwamasishaji, mpelelezi, mtekelezaji mipango ya upigaji kura Zanzibar 1963, mwanamapinduzi Zanzibar 1964,  askari wa msituni wa Afro Shirazi Party, mvushaji askari mamluki wa Kimakonde na makabila mengineo kwenda Zanzibar kupiga kura na kushiriki katika mapinduzi akiwa amekishika kitabu Kwaheri Ukoloni, Kwaheri Uhuru!

Mmoja wa washirika wa Mohamed Omari Mkwawa alikuwa Victor Mkello.

Kassim Hanga ni huyo aliyekaa chini ya jukwaa kavaa miwani. Aliyevaa sare ya polisi ni Hamza Aziz kushotoni kwake ni Andrew Shija aliyevaa pama. Aliyekaa mbele ya Kassim Hanga ni Omari Londo. Nyerere ndiye huyo katika ulingo akihutubia.  Hapo ni Mnazi Moja. Baada ya mkutano huu Hanga alirejeshwa Zanzibar na huko akauawa mwaka 1967 au 1968

Utangulizi

Kwa kipindi kirefu historia ya mapinduzi ya Zanzibarilikuwa ni ile historia rasmi ambayo imeathiri historia nyingi Afrika. Viongozi wa Afrika wanapenda ile historia itakayowakweza na kuwaonyesha wao katika mwanga wa kupendeza. Vinginevyo historia hiyo haitakiwi. Wazalendo wenyewe hawakuwa na hamu ya kuandika historia hii na watu wa nje walioandika historia ya mapinduzi ya Zanzibar hawakupata kuifanyia haki historia ya Zanzibar labda kwa ugeni wao na kwa kuyaamini maelezo yaliyokuwa “wazi” kwa wakati ule, mfano mkubwa ukiwa ni kule kuamini kuwa mapinduzi ya Zanzibar yalipangwa na makomredi wa Umma Party.

Hapajakuwapo udanganyifu mkubwa katika uandishi na utafiti kama huu. Dkt Ghassany amekiweka chano uwanjani bila kawa. Akizungumza na Abdushakur Aboud wa Sauti ya Amerika Dkt Ghassany amesema kuwa historia ya Zanzibar ni historia ya kujijuwa maisha yake akiwa mjukuu wa babu wa mababu Muomani na mabibi wa Kimanyema na Kimwera– mchanganyiko wa damu ya Kiarabu na Kiafrika. Hii kwa hakika ndiyo historia ya wananchi wa Zanzibar. Ni tabu sana kumpata huyo Muarabu Zanzibar kila umuonae Muarabu basi ana mjomba na shangazi Mwafrika. Maadui wa Zanzibar wakiweka mkazo katika ubaguzi wa rangi na kuwafitinisha Wazanzibari. Ukweli huu ndiyo chanzo cha matatizo yote yaliyoikumba Zanzibartoka vyama vya siasa vilipoanza katika miaka 1950 na matatizo yaliyosababisha mauaji ya mwisho yakiwa mwaka 2001.

Mohamed Omari Mkwawa

Mwaka 1995 wakati wa uchaguzi wa kwanza wa vyama vyingi Tanzania nilibahatika kufuatana na mgombea urais wa CUF Prof. Ibrahim Haruna Lipumba katika kampeni za uchaguzi katika mikoa ya Kilimanjaro na Tanga. Prof. Lipumba alifanya mkutano mkubwa sana Tangamano kiasi cha kuishtua CCM. Baada ya mkutano ule Prof. Lipumba na ujumbe wake walialikwa nyumbani kwa mama mmoja akijulikana kama Mama Ummie (sasa ni marehemu) ambako walifanyiwa dhifa kubwa. Kote tukipita mitaa ya Tanga msafara wetu ulikuwa ukishangiliwa kwa nguvu sana. CUF ilikuwa imeingia Tanga kwa kishindo kikubwa.

Mimi kazi yangu ilikuwa kuangalia niliyokuwanayaona na kupiga picha. Kwa hakika nilikuwa nikishuhudia historia ikijiandika. Historia ambayo ilikuwa imeshahibiana sana na ile ya wakati wa kudai uhuru wa Tanganyikakatika miaka 1950. Lakini ninalotaka kusema si hili bali ni picha ambayo niliipiga ndani ya nyumba ya Mama Ummie. Picha hii ilikuwa inamuonyesha mzee mmoja wa makamo aliyevaa fulana ya CUF mbele ikiwa na picha ya Prof. Lipumba. Mzee huyu alikuwa amekaa nyuma ya Prof. Lipumba. Kwa wakati ule picha hii haikuwa na maana yoyote kwangu na hata nilipokuwa naitazama mara kwa mara sura yake si iliyokuwa inanivutia bali ile fulana ya CUF aliyovaa ambayo ilikuwa na picha ya rafiki yangu Prof. Lipumba.

Mungu ana mipango yake. Mihangaiko ya kutafuta riziki yakanihamishia Tanga na nikawa karibu sana na baadhi ya viongozi wa  CUF na wanachama wake. Sasa hapa ndipo nilipokujakuonana uso kwa uso na mzee yule kwenye picha yangu niliyoipiga hata kwa wakati ule ilikuwa miaka mingi iliyopita. Jina la huyu mzee wangu ni Mohamed Omar Mkwawa.  Ilikuwa katika barza yetu ya kawaida  ya kunywa kahawa na kula pweza huku tukijadili historia ya Tanzaniaambako siku moja Mzee Mkwawa alinambia, “Mohamed nataka nikuambie kitu. Unajua mimi nimehusika sana katika mapinduzi ya Zanzibar?”

Nilimuangalia Mzee Mkwawa kwa makini. Fikra yangu ya utafiti na uandishi ishashtuka haipo tena usingizini. Mzee Mkwawa aliendelea, “Mimi ndiye niliyekuwa nikiwavusha Wamakonde kutoka Kipumbwi kwenda Zanzibarkuipigia kura ASP na wakati wa mapinduzi mie ndiye niliyewavusha Wamakonde kwenda kuipindua serikali ya Jamshid.” Sasa moyo wangu ukaanza kudunda kwa nguvu. Naisemesha nafsi yangu, “Huyu mzee anajua uzito wa maneno haya?” Tuishie hapa. Kuanzia siku ile nikawa sasa namtazama Mzee Mkwawa kwa jicho jingine na heshima yangu kwake ikawa imepanda maradufu. Nilikuwa nimeshatambua kuwa Mzee Mohamed Omari Mkwawa alikuwa mmoja wa wanahistoria waliosahaulika katika historia ya Tanganyika na Zanzibar. Juu ya hayo nilishangazwa na kitu kimoja. Iweje leo huyu mwanamapinduzi wa ASP ambae Abeid Amani Karume alimpa jina la “Tindo” kwa ujasiri wake amekuwa mstari wa mbele CUF chama ambacho kinanasibishwa na Hizbu hasimu mkubwa wa ASP?

Dr Harith Ghassany

Nilikutana na Dr Harith Ghassany mwaka 1999 nyumbani kwake Maskati, Oman. Naikumbuka siku ile kama jana vile. Kanipeleka kwake mwenyeji wangu Farouk Abdulla lakini kabla ya kunipeleka nilikuwa nimeshalisikia jina lake mara nyingi sana pale Maskati kila nikikutana na jamaa wenye asili ya Tanzania jina lake litaibuka. Katika fikra yangu ikanijia kuwa Dkt Ghassany atakuwa ni mtu mzima. Sielewe kwa nini nilipata picha hii. Tulipopiga hodi na akatokea Dkt Ghassany kuja kutufungulia mlango nikapata mshangao mkubwa.

Aliyekuwa mbele yangu alikuwa ni kijana mdogo sana tofauti na nilivyodhani. Kwa njia ya utani hata kabla sijatoa salamu. Nikamgeukia Farouk nikasema, ”Ah! Dkt Ghassany, Dkt Ghassany, Dkt mwenyewe ndiye huyu?” Mila na tamaduni za watu wa pwani wakikutana hazipishani. Maskhara ni dalili ya mapenzi. Dkt Ghassany pale pale alipokea yale maskhara na akajibu, ”Bwana  wangu we wanakutisha bure kwani we ulidhani litakuwa jitu kubwa?” Urafiki na udugu wetu umedumu hadi leo na ndipo katika mazungumzo aliponifahamisha kuwa anataka kuandika historia ya kweli ya mapinduzi ya Zanzibar. Hapo ndipo nilipomjuvya kuhusu Mzee Mkwawa na nikamuomba aje Tanga amuhoji.

Kitu kimoja mashuhuri kwa mashujaa wa harakati za siasa katika Tanzania ni kuwa takriban wote wana hali ngumu sana za maisha. Sikujua vyema hali ya Mzee Mkwawa hadi nilipofika nyumbani kwake na Dkt Ghassany. Utu uzima na udhaifu wa maisha ulikuwa umempiga barabara. Nilimjulisha Dkt Ghassany kwa Mzee Mkwawa na kuwaacha waendelee na maongezi yao. Niliporudi mchana kumchukua Dkt Ghassany rafiki yangu alinambia nimuache nije jioni kumfuata. Niliporudi jioni nilimkuta Dkt Ghassany amechoka na uso umesawijika. Tukiwa ndani ya  gari yangu tunaondoka nikamuuliza kulikoni. Dkt Ghassany akanambia maneno ambayo hadi leo yamebaki kichwani mwangu, ”Mohamed ufunguo wa kitabu changu anao Mzee Mkwakwa na kama nisingeonana nae utafiti wangu wote wa kabla ungelikuwa hauna maana yoyote.”

Dkt Ghassany alikuwa amechukuliwa na Mzee Mkwawa katika safari ya zaidi ya nusu karne. Mzee Mkwawa akimshika mkono kwanza kumpeleka Pemba ambako akiwa kijana wa kiasi cha miaka 25 akifanya kazi ya uashi. Huo ndio ulikuwa wakati wa siasa za ASP na Hizbu zimepamba moto. Mzee Mkwawa alikuwa mmoja wa wachezaji wa ngoma ile hata kama alikuwa anatoka Tanganyika. Dkt Harith akavushwa na kuletwa pwani ya Kipumbwi na Sakura ambako Mzee  Mkwawa alikuwa akisimamia kambi ya mafunzo iliyokuwa msituni ya wakata mkonge wengi wao wakiwa Wamakonde, kambi ambayo ilitoa askari waliotumika kuipindua serikali ya Mohamed Shamte 12 Aprili 1964.

Dkt Ghassany hakuwa amejitayarisha kwa haya. Alishangwazwa na uwezo wa kumbukumbu wa Mzee Mkwawa, akitaja majina na mahali na akirudia mazungumzo neno kwa neno kati yake na maofisa wa serikali ya Tanganyika kutoka vyombo vya usalama waliomtia katika operesheni maalum ya kuipindua Zanzibar kutoka Tanganyika. Majina ya Abdulla Kassim Hanga, Jumanne Abdallah, Ali Mwinyi Tambwe, Victor Mkello, Oscar Kambona na wengine yakawa yanadondoka moja baada ya lingine. Taarifa hizi ndizo zilizommaliza Dkt Ghassany na kumsawajisha uso.

Mimi binafsi nilipigwa na butwaa. Nilibaini kama alivyobaini Dkt Ghassany kuwa Mzee Mkwawa alikuwa hazina na tulikuwa tumevumbua mgodi wa dhahabu. Kazi yetu sasa ilikuwa kuchimba tu. Kumekuwa na uvumi kwa miaka mingi katika duru za wanasiasa wapya na wa zamani na katika wanafunzi wa historia ya Tanzania na Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar kuwa Ali Mwinyi Tambwe alihusika sana katika kupinduliwa kwa serikali ya Zanzibar lakini hakuna aliyejuwa ni kwa kiwango gani na alihusika vipi. Lakini zito ni kuwa yeye mwenyewe akiudhika sana mtu akimuuliza habari zile. Kwa nini ilikuwa hivyo? Kitabu cha Kwaheri Ukoloni, Kwaheri Uhuru cha Dkt Ghassany kilikuja kutoa majibu. Hakuna binadamu apendae historia yake ihusishwe na mauaji na dhulma na kufutwa kwa nchi yake.

Kwa kipindi cha takriban miaka saba Dkt Ghassany alikuwa akija Tanga kwa mahojiano na Mzee Mkwawa na katika kipindi hicho Mzee Mkwawa alitupeleka Kipumbwi na Sakura na kutuonyesha sehemu zile ambazo walikuwa na kambi na wakifanya mazoezi ya kivita na matumizi ya silaha. Mkahawa ambao wale wakata mkonge walikuwa wakila chakula cha usiku kabla ya kuvushwa kwa vyombo vya bahari kwenda Unguja bado upo hadi leo ingawa kwa sasa kijumba kile hakitumiki tena kama mkawaha. Endapo itakuja siku serikali ya Zanzibar itataka kuhifadhi historia ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar bila shaka moja ya vitu vitakavyokuwa katika makumbusho ni picha ya hicho kibanda.

Victor Mkello

Kipumbwi haijabadilika iko kama vilevile iliyokuwa miaka ya 1960.  Kipumbwi imebaki vilevile kama kijiji cha uvuvi. Mzee Mkwawa alitupeleka hadi sehemu ambapo bahari imeingia katika kijiji lakini sehemu hiyo imefunikwa na mikoko mingi na vichaka. Tuliingia ndani na kuangalia mandhari ya pale mahali. Hakika pale palikuwa sehemu nzuri ya kujificha. Leo imekuwa sehemu hii ni maarufu kwa watu wa magendo.  Mzee Mkwawa alitueleza kuwa hapo ndipo walipojificha na ndipo walipopandia vyombo vyao kwa usiri mkubwa wakati wote wakiwa wamevaa nguo matambara na kofia za makuti kama wavuvi. Tanga ilikuwa kituo muhimu cha kufanikisha mapinduzi ya Zanzibar. Haikuwa bure kuwa Ali Mwinyi Tambwe, Jumanne Abdallah na Victor Mkello walikuwa hapo na wala haistaajabishi kwa Dkt Ghassany kutueleza kuwa vinara wa mapinduzi kwa upande wa bara, Mkello na wenzake, walisubiri taarifa za mapinduzi katika mkesha ndani ya ofisi ya TANU Tanga.

Napenda kukiri kuwa sikupata kushiriki kama msikilizaji wa mahojiano wakati wa utafiti wa Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuru. Kazi yangu kubwa sana ilikuwa kufungua milango na kumwendesha daktari. Kwa ufupi kazi yangu ilikuwa kumwekea mwandishi mazingira mazuri ili kazi yake iwe nyepesi. Kwa hakika ilikuwa kazi ambayo na mimi vilevile nilisoma, kujifunza mengi na kupata faida kubwa. Katika haya nakumbuka sakata la kumtafuta Victor Mkello. Leo si wengi wanaomjua Victor Mkello au hata kupata kusikia jina lake likitajwa. Lakini kwa sisi tuliokuwa wadogo tukiwa shule katika miaka ya 1960 Mkello alikuwa hapungia katika magazeti ya Ngurumo na Mwafrika. Mzee Mkwawa ndiye aliyetusaidia kumtafuta alipo. Victor Mkello ndiyo aliyekuwa ”Amiri Jeshi Mkuu” wa lile jeshi la Wamakonde lililokuwa na makao yake makuu katika mashamba ya mkonge ya Sakura na Kipumbwi. Bila ya kupata kauli ya Mkello kitabu kisingeweza kuandikika.

Ilichukua muda kuweza kumpata. Kwanza tulikwenda Muheza ambako ndiko kwao. Huko tukaambiwa kuwa hakuwapo hapo bali kwa muda mrefu alikuwa Tanga. Mwishowe tulimkuta nyumbani kwake Nguvu Mali. Mkello alikuwa katika kitanda cha mauti. Kisukari kilikuwa kikimla kiwiliwili chake. Hakuwa anaweza kunyanyuka kitandani wala kukaa. Kwa hakika alikuwa anasikitisha. Huyu hakuwa Victor Mkello niliyekuwa namsoma katika magazeti wala yule ambae Mzee Mkwawa alikuwa akituelezea. Mtu mjanja aliepambana na Magiriki wamiliki wa mashamba ya mkonge akitetea haki za Waafrika katika miaka ya 1960. Huyu kwa kweli hakuwa yule Victor Mkello aliyekuwa akisaidiana na TANU na Mwalimu Julius Nyerere kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika. Hiki mbele yetu kilikuwa kivuli chake. Hapakuwa na wasiwasi wowote Victor Mkello alikuwa akisubiri malaika wa mauti amtembelee na yeye hilo alikuwa akilijua fika.

Victor Mkello na Mzee Mkwawa wanamapinduzi waliofutwa katika historia walitazamana na wakasalimiana kama vile hakuwapata kujuana. Jicho la Mkello lilikwenda kwa Dkt Ghassany kisha likaangukia kwangu kisha likarudi kwa mwanamapinduzi mwenzake Mzee Mkwawa. Baada ya utambulisho uliofanywa na Mzee Mkwawa nilihisi woga na wasiwasi kwenye sura ya Victor Mkello. Hakuwa anaamini kuwa Dkt Ghassany katoka Maskati kwa ajili ya utafiti wa historia na hili lilijidhihirisha alipofunua kinywa kuzungumza. Victor Mkello alikuwa na hisia kuwa alifuatwa kukamatwa kwa vifo vya Waarabu vilivyotokea Zanzibar wakati wa mapinduzi ili apelekwe Mahakama ya Kimataifa. Baadae Dkt Ghassany alinifahamisha kuwa jinsi Waingereza walivyomueleza katika taarifa zao za siri ambazo yeye alizisoma London zimeafikiana kabisa na jinsi alivyomuona pale. Waingereza walimsifia Mkello kwa kusema kuwa alikuwa bingwa wa kuteleza kama samaki ndani ya maji.

Kufupisha maelezo. Ilichukua karibu miaka mitatu kwa Victor Mkello kukubali kuzungumza kuhusu mapinduzi ya Zanzibar. Dkt Ghassany akienda Maskati na kurudi Tanga na kila akienda kwa Victor Mkello, Mkello hakuwa tayari kueleza kile alichokijua kuhusu mapinduzi ya Zanzibar. Kila nilipokwenda na Dkt Ghassany kumuona Mkello hali yake ilikuwa inazidi kudidimia. Sasa alikuwa kakatwa mguu mmoja kwa ajili ya kisukari. Ilikuwa katika hali ile katika siku zake za mwisho ndipo siku moja alipomwambia Dkt Ghassany aje siku ya pili na yeye atazungumza na angependa azungumze mbele ya mkewe ili amkumbushe pale atakapokuwa kasahau kitu.

Hapa ndipo ilipo moja ya sehemu tamu kabisa ya kitabu hiki Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuru. Victor Mkello Amiri Jeshi Mkuu wa Mamluki wa Kimakonde alizungumza. Mimi sikushiriki katika mazungumzo yale nilijiweka pembeni ili Mkello azungumze na Dkt Ghassany kwa utulivu. Nilikuwa nimeegesha gari yangu karibu ya msikiti jirani ya nyumba ya Mkello nikimsubiri daktari akamilishe upasuaje mgonjwa apate nafuu. Mwendo wa Dkt Ghassany wa kudunda alipokuwa ananijia pale nilipoegesha gari ulidhihirisha furaha yake.

Haukupita muda mrefu baada ya mazungumzo yale na Dkt Ghassany, Victor Mkello akaaga dunia kimya kimya. Hakuna mtu aliyejua kifo chake kama ilivyokuwa vifo vingi vya mashujaa waliopigania uhuru wa Tanganyika. Hakuna hata gazeti moja lililotoa taazia yake wala hotuba hazikusomwa kaburini kwake. Mkello aliondoka katika historia ya Tanzania kimya kama jinsi mamluki wake walivyokuwa wakiingia Zanzibar kimya kimya usiku mkuu  na kwa siri, mapanga yao makali ya kukata mkonge yakiwa chini ya nguo zao za ndani yakisubiri kuivamia Zanzibar na kuua watu wasio na hatia. Kazi hii kwao haikuhitaji mafunzo kwani  mafunzo walikuwanayo muda mrefu katika kazi yao ya kukata mkonge katika mashamba ya mkonge ya Tanga. Pigo moja lilitosha kuangusha chini jani zito la mkonge seuze kiungo cha binadamu.

Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuruni kitabu kilichoandikwa kwa staili ya pekee wahusika wenyewe wa matokeo katika mapinduzi kujitolea kueleza kile kilichotokea katika mapinduzi, kabla na baada yake. Kuanzia mipango ya kuangusha serikali ya Zanzibar hadi katika kuwaua wale waliokujakushukiwa kuwa ni maadui wa mapinduzi hadi kufikia hata kuweka wazi jinsi walivyoshiriki katika mengi ya kusikitisha kupelekea hata msomaji kujiuliza kwa nini hawa watu baada ya miaka yote hiyo kupita wameamua kueleza yote hayo. Vipi Abdallah Kassim Hanga, Othman Shariff, Mdungi Ussi, Jaha Ubwa, Abdulaziz Twala na wengineo walivyouliwa, nani alitoa amri ya mauaji, nani aliwauwa na katika mazingira gani. Kifo cha Karume mwenyewe kwa mtutu wa bunduki hakikuwekewa pazia na chanzo cha kuamuliwa kuwa auawe ni tofauti ya kilichozoeleka kuelezwa. Karume hakuuawa na ”wapinga mapinduzi” kama ilivyozoeleka kuelezwa katika historia rasmi.

Kwa kumaliza tusubiri mapitio ya kitabu hiki na ni wazi kuwa wasomaji watapata mengi ya kuelimisha na kuhuisha. Tunategemea wasomi wa somo la historia watakaopitia kitabu hiki watatufanyia hisani kubwa kwa kuwaleta katika picha wahusika wakuu wa mapinduzi – Mwalimu Julius Nyerere – fundi mkuu mwenye kishindo kikubwa lakini hakisikiki, mkono wake wa chuma hauonekani, uso wake nyuma ya pazia, Abdallah Kassim Hanga – kiongozi hasa na mpangaji wa mapinduzi, Victor Mkello – mtumishi wa Hanga na Nyerere  bila ya yeye mwenyewe kujua kati ya hao wawili nani aliyekuwa bingwa kumshinda mwenzake katika mchezo mchafu wa siasa ya kuiuwa Zanzibar na Wazanzibari na wengineo.

Lakini juu ya hayo yote mipango hii ilikuwa ni ya akina Nyerere, Hanga na Mkello pekee? Dkt Ghassany anaeleza nini kuhusu mkono wa Waingereza, Algeria, Misri, Wachina, Warusi, Marekani na Mayahudi? Nini kilichowasukuma hao wote katika mapinduzi ya Zanzibar? Nini kilimsukuma Nyerere, kuwapindua Waislam walioupigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na baadae kuwapinduwa Waislam walioupigania Uhuru wa Zanzibar na kuendelea kuwadhibiti hata baada ya kuipindua Zanzibar? Nini kilichowasukuma Waingereza na Wamerekani kuachia mapinduzi yafanyike? Lakini kubwa zaidi kipi kilichowasukuma Wayahudi kuingia na kusaidia mapinduzi, ni ile chuki yaoya asili dhidi ya Waarabu au kulikuwa na jengine ambalo liliwatia khofu? Na kwanini kitabu kiitwe Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuru: Zanzibarna Mapinduzi ya Afrabia? Kitabu kina majibu ya haya maswali mengine ambayo bado hayajaulizwa na chemchemu mpya za utafiti.

Dkt Ghassany anastahili pongezi kubwa sanakwa kuinusuru historia ya mapinduzi ya Zanzibarna kuwaamsha Wazanzibari na Watanganyika toka lepe zito la usingizi ili wajitambue na wamjue adui yao. Anastahiki pongezi kubwa zaidi si kwa kukiandika kitabu cha Kwaheri Ukoloni, Kwaheri Uhuru bali kwa kutumia mrengo usiokuwa na mrengo. Huna pa kumuweka Dkt Ghassany na baada ya kumaliza kukisoma kitabu ukaridhika napo. Kamautafikiria kuwa kitabu ni cha CUF basi baada ya kusoma mpaka mwisho utavunjika moyo. Kama utamtumbukiza ndani ya CCM basi ataelea. La kama unataka upae nje ya masunduku na mapakacha basi utamuona katulia ndani ya uhuisho wa umoja wa Zanzibarna Tanganyika Mpya – Tanzania Mpya.

Kwaheri Ukoloni, Kwaheri Uhuru ni ngoma nzito ambayo watu wameanza kuicheza hata mdundo haujaanza kupigwa! Tayari imeshaingia katika rikodi za Hansard za Bunge la Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania. Tayari imeshasikika katika Sauti ya Marekani. Tayari daktari anafuatilia kwa karibu ukweli wa Maridhiano na kuwa kwa mara nyengine tena ukweli wake umeshaanza kupotoshwa na waroho na tayari historia mpya na kubwa zaidi hata kuliko ile ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar ya 1964 imeshaanza kuvurugwa.

Watengenezaji wa filamu Hollywoodwana mtindo wa kumaliza senema zao za matokeo ya kweli kwa kueleza katika maandishi yale yaliyowafika wahusika wa kisa kilichotengenezwa hiyo senema. Huonyesha majina na mwisho wa hao wahusika, kama wahai, wako wapi, wamekufa na kama wamekufa ni kwa kuuliwa au kwa amri ya Mungu nk. Katika Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuru majina ya wahusika machache ambayo yametajwa katika makala haya yako kamahivi:

1.     Mohamed Omar Mkwawa:           Yu hai na anaishi Makorola Tanga

2.     Abeid Amani Karume:                            Ameuawa 1972

3.      Abdallah Kassim Hanga:             Ameuawa 1967/68

4.     Mustafa Songambele                      Yuhai anaishi Songea.

5.     Victor Mkello                                  Amekufa kifo cha kawaida

6.     Ali Mwinyi Tambwe                      Baada ya mapinduzi alikuja kuhusika katika mchakato wa kuunda muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar. Amekufa kifo cha kawaida.

7.     Jumanne Abdallah                         Alitumikia serikali kwa muda mrefu hadi alipofariki kifo cha kawaida

8.     Oscar Kambona                              Aligombana na Nyerere na akakimbia nchi mwaka 1967 na kwenda kuishi uhamishoni Uingereza

9.     Kuna vigogo kadhaa ambavyo viko hai na kwa sasa wameomba majina yaoyahifadhiwe.

17 Ramadhani 1431

28 August 2010

Ali Mwinyi Tambwe na Abeid Amani Karume

Abdalla Kassim Hanga

Kuwa Hanga ndiye aliyekuwa kinara wa Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar hili si jambo lenye utata tena. Ikiwa hivyo ndivyo Hanga hatoweza kuutua mzigo wa roho zilizopotea katika mapinduzi hayo. Ikiwa Hanga atalaumiwa kwa vifo vya maelfu ya Wazanzibari nani alaumiwe kwa umauti uliomfika Hanga tena kwa kuuliwa kishenzi kwani hapana neno zaidi ya hilo linaloweza kutosheleza kuelezea jinsi Hanga alivyouliwa. Kichekesho kikubwa ni kuwa wale waliopoteza roho kwa hiyo kutangulia mbele ya haki, yao yalikuwa yamekwisha. Lakini kwa wale wajane na mayatima waliobakia nyuma wakihangaika, kifo cha Hanga na wenzake katika wale waliofanikisha mapinduzi kuuliwa kwao kulikuwa muujuza wa aina yake, uchawi usioelezeka nani fundi wake. Ilikuwa vigumu kueleza. Ingeeleweka vyema endapo kisasi cha kuitoa roho ya Hanga kingetimizwa kutoka katika mikono ya maadui zake waliopinduliwa. Haikuwa hivyo.

Wale wajane na mayatima walililipiziwa kisasi na watu waliokuwa maadui wakubwa wa waume na baba zao waliopinduliwa. Vipi Hanga kiongozi mkuu wa mapinduzi aje kuwa adui wa mapinduzi yenyewe kiasi cha kuwa hukumu ya kumtosheleza haikuwa kifo tu bali kifo cha kishenzi. Fikra ya Hanga ilikuwaje alipokuwa peke yake ndani ya selo Ukonga Prison…usiku ukimpita bila ya hata lepe la usingizi akiwaza yanayomkabili. Nini kilikuwa kikipitika katika ubongo wake wakati wauaji wake walipomtoa katika selo yake na yeye akawakabili ilhali aikijua kuwa walikuwa wamekuja kuitoa roho yake. Fikra yake ilikwenda wapi? Ilikwenda kwa Sultan Jamshid bin Abdullah aliyempindua na kwa Masultani wengi waliopita ambao wameiaga dunia mikono yao ikiwa haina damu au kwa Abeid Amani Karume aliyeingia madarakani kwa mapanga ya Wamakonde kutoka Tanganyika, wakata mkonge kutoka Tanganyika wakifanya kazi mashamba ya Sakura na Kipumbwi? Fikra ya Hanga ilielekea wapi? Kwa Nyerere aliyemsaliti?

Hakika ni wazi hakutegemea mapinduzi aliyoyasisi yangemgeukia na kuwa sababu ya yeye kutolewa roho kwa kuuliwa kishenzi. Jambo la kusikitisha ni kuwa hadi pale alipokamatwa na kuwekwa jela Ukonga na kufikishwa mbele ya mkutano wa hadhara na kuadhiriwa na Julius Nyerere tayari alikuwa keshapoteza kila kitu achilia mbali dira ya mapinduzi aliyokusudia ingeongoza Zanzibar. Hanga hakuwa kamwe na uwezo wa kumfanya Karume lolote kwani Karume tayari alikuwa chini ya mbawa za Nyerere ngome ambayo Hanga asingeweza kuitikisa achalia mbali kuibomoa. Muungano baina ya Tanganyika na Zanzibar ilikuwa hirizi tosha ya kumkinga Karume.

Katika mkasa wa kuuliwa kwa Hanga ndipo msemaji mmoja akasema, “Maiti toka makaburini mwao walionyesha ujuzi wa kufanya miujiza na uchawi wao kwani laiti kifo cha Hanga kingesababishwa na wale waliopinduliwa kisasi chake kingekuwa cha kutisha. Ilibidi Hanga kwa miujiza ya maiti zile auliwe na wale wale aliowaweka madarakani watu ambao hapakuwepo na sababu ya wao kumuona adui. Halikudondoka chozi kwa kifo cha Hanga. Kila aliyepata mnong’ono wa kuuliwa kwake alikuwa kimya kama vile ile taarifa ile ya kifo haimuhusu.

10 February 2010

Nyuma ni pwani ya Kipumbwi ambako wakata mkonge kutoka mashamba ya mkonge ya Sakura walipokuwa wakingoja
usiku uingie ili wavunshwe na majahazi kwenda Zanzibar kupindua serikali

Mwandishi akifanya mahojiano ya televisheni  (TV Imaan) na aliyekuwa katibu wa kwanza wa
 Baraza la Mapinduzi  Zanzibar  Salim Rashid 

Aliyevaa shada la maua ni Mohamed Abdulrahman Babu, pembeni yake Ali Muhsin Barwan na mwisho
ni Mohamed Shamte 

Waliokaa kushoto ni Abdallah Kassim Hanga akifuatiwa na Abeid Amani Karume

Muslims and the Negative Press: Bakwata Once Kibaraka Always Kibaraka The Case of the Late Prof. Kigoma Ali Malima

Muslims and the Negative Press: Bakwata Once Kibaraka Always Kibaraka

The Case of the Late Prof. Kigoma Ali Malima

By Mohamed Said

...after his resignation from the CCM many Muslims went to see Prof. Malima to congratulate him. The political committee went to congratulate him for his resignation from the government as Minister of Trade and Industries. Then two days later Prof. Malima through Sheikh Khalifa Hamis suddenly summoned the committee to his constituency in Kisarawe where a meeting was held. After salat isha Prof. Malima told the committee that he has accepted their proposal and NRA should start preparations for meeting of the National Conference to be held in Tabora from where in a public rally he would announce his resignation from the CCM. At that time NRA had managed to establish branches in Kigoma, Mpwapwa, Igunga and Tabora.

Sheikh Khalifa Hamis went to Tabora to prepare the terrain for Prof. Malima’s trip to the town. NRA had a branch in Tabora but it had scanty membership. The chairman of NRA Tabora branch was a retired army captain Mustapha Kivuruga, son of Abdallah Kivuruga founder member of the TAA in Tabora in 1945 and founder member of TANU in 1955. Mustapha Kivuruga joined the army and was trained in Israel. Abdallah Kivuruga and his brother Maulidi Kivuruga had been important personalities in the local politics of Tabora. Sheikh Khalifa held a meeting with the cream of the Muslim activists in Tabora at the Nujum Muslim Centre.  Among those in attendance was Bilal Rehani Waikela [1] a veteran of the Muslim struggle against injustices and Christian hegemony.

The activists were informed that Prof. Malima was coming to Tabora and would announce his resignation from CCM at a public rally. It was now upon them to lay down strategy for the success of Prof. Malima’s trip and revitalisation of NRA. Following this meeting elections were called at the Adult Education Centre and Waikela was elected NRA Tabora Regional Chairman replacing Kivuruga. Kivuruga became district chairman. It was from this meeting that membership drive for the NRA began. Tabora has always carried with it a grudge against the government. The place was completely forgotten. Like many Muslim areas, no meaningful development had taken place since independence. The people in Tabora saw this as there opportunity to have their own back against the government and the CCM.

Prof. Malima and his entourage were booked to fly to Tabora on Friday morning aboard Air Tanzania. Their bookings were confirmed but when they presented their tickets, they were told that the flight was fully booked. Their protests to the fact that there bookings were confirmed fell into deaf ears. Prof. Malima decided to travel to Tabora by road.[2]Meanwhile the Christian Lobby had been busy. It had constantly working on plots to discredit Prof. Malima in the eyes of the right thinking people. The press both private and that owned by the government and party, including the state-owned radio; and the office of the president, has been Muslim’s worst enemy in its struggle against injustice. The media fabricates and publishes negative stories about Muslims with impunity.

The propaganda is given an angle of Muslim radicals harbouring the desiring to overthrow a legally constituted government. Muslims have suffered in this campaign with Prof. Malima. The Friday papers Majira, Nipashe, including CCM daily Uhuru and the Tanzania News Agency (SHIHATA)  carried stories in banner headlines that Prof. Malima was on that day Friday the 15 July, 1995 going to announce his resignation from CCM at Tabora in the Friday Mosque after Friday Prayers. What this negative publicity wanted to achieve was to portray Prof. Malima as dangerous man who wanted to pit Muslims against Christians to acquire power for his own selfish ends. The end result for such an eventuality was obvious civil upheavals.

On that Friday morning Muslim notables and leaders and members of the NRA in Tabora went to the Air Port to meet Prof. Malima. The plane flew in without him. In Tabora town rumor was spreading that Pro. Malima was to address Muslims and announce his resignation from CCM from the pulpit of the Tabora Friday Mosque. Even before the time for the Friday prayers was due, the Friday Mosque was filled to capacity and some of the worshippers were sitting sprawled outside the mosque grounds. But few knew that Prof. Malima was not in Tabora that day anyway. The previous day Regional Police Commander called on the BAKWATA leadership in Tabora and informed them that Prof. Malima was to address Muslims at the Friday Mosque. The police commander insisted upon BAKWATA leadership that that was mixing religion and politics; and that was not acceptable. The government would not allow house of worship to be used as political arena.  It was therefore up to BAKWATA to ensure that Prof. Malima does is not allowed to announce his resignation from the CCM from the pulpit. Security personnel were deployed to the mosque early morning on Friday. There were uniformed and plainclothes policemen on beat around the Friday Mosque since day break.  In the afternoon police cars arrived at took strategic positions around the mosque. State Intelligence personnel were very much in evident mingling with Muslims outside the mosque. This created tension inside and outside the mosque.

Few minutes before prayers were to begin; Sheikh Mavumbi from BAKWATA arrived at the mosque in a police car escorted by the Regional Police Commander. Sheikh Mavumbi went infront of the mosque and through the public addressing system he warned of the dangers of mixing religion and politics. People were dead silence listening to Sheikh Mavumbi. He said he has been informed that Prof. Malima was to address Muslims from the mosque that day and he has come to announce that he is forbidden to do that in that mosque. As soon as he uttered Prof. Malima’s name there was pandemonium in the mosque, Muslims shouting asking Sheikh Mavumbi his source of that information. Sheikh Mavumbi seemed confused as there were shouts from every angle of the mosque. Muslims looked threatening and the mood inside the mosque was fiery.  Tabora Friday Mosque is under Imam Issa Mzee, a young man in his mid-thirties. He rose up to calm Muslims but people were not listening to him. 

As things seemed to get out of control and other Muslims were rising standing up from where they had been sitting and the crowd outside the mosque was fighting to get inside the mosque, there was indication that the sanctity of that holy place was going to be violated. It was then that Waikela moved to the front of the mosque and took up the microphone and called for peace. Seeing Waikela at the kibla calm prevailed and Waikela told Muslims not to blame Sheikh Mavumbi for his announcement. It was probable he had been told to come to the mosque to make the announcement. The best way for Muslims to do was not to condemn Sheikh Mavumbi but to ask him who told him that Prof. Malima would come to the mosque to deliver a political address. Appealing to Muslims Sheikh Waikela asked them if anyone had seen Prof. Malima in the mosque. The crowd answered in the negative.

Islamic law demands that when there is a controversy between two parties, both parties should be heard before passing judgement. Sheikh Mavumbi had judged Muslims without giving them chance to be heard. Amidst boos from Muslims, Sheikh Mavumbi ashamed was led out of the mosque through the back door of the mosque and on into the waiting police car. Was he to walk out from the main door Muslims would have beaten him. It was then when the police were whisking him away from his fellow Muslims that Sheikh Mavumbi realised that he had been a fool and the government had used his religious position among Muslims for its own political ends. People have simple minds. Any announcement through the radio or the printed word is bound to be taken as the truth. For how could the government allow its media to be used for propaganda and spread lies against Muslims?  If an announcement is on the radio and newspapers then it is the truth. Sheikh Mavumbi like many people in Tabora believed in what they read and heard on the radio that Prof. Malima was going to make a major political statement from the pulpit. On that Friday Prof. Malima spent the night in Nzega and arrived in Tabora Saturday afternoon and stayed at the house of Suleiman Marjebi one of the notables of  the township.

On Sunday 17 July, 1995 thirty-seven years since TANU held its 1958 annual meeting in Tabora the meeting which paved the way to independence, Prof. Malima addressed a big rally at Uyui grounds. The Tabora meeting would be remembered for its achievement. It managed to put into Legislative Assembly Julius Nyerere, Chief Abdallah Said Fundikira, John Ketto, Nesmo Eliufoo, John Mwakangale, Lawi Sijaona and Paul Bomani. It was in Tabora that Nyerere shed tears because of oppression of which Tanganyikans were being subjected to by the British. Nyerere said if the British did not want to set Tanganyikans free he would direct his anguish to God. Before Prof. Malima spoke Bilal Waikela mounted the platform dressed in his prison uniform which he wore thirty years ago when he was detained by Nyerere for resisting Christian hegemony. He reminded the people of Tabora that he was detained by Nyerere for reminding him of the cherished ideals of TANU the party they had formed and built together in order for Africans of Tanganyika to be free from all forms of oppression. Waikela told his audience that and he was now returning to politics to seek for that equality and justice denied.

Prof. Malima announced his resignation from the CCM at the Uyui meeting. Prof. Malima told his audience that that oppression which made Nyerere shed tears while giving a speech to members of TANU and the people cried with him at the Tabora Central Market was still prevalent 37 year after the tears had long dried. Prof. Malima told his audience that he was resigning from the CCM because, he said, the party has deviated from its cherished ideals of justice and equality and had established classes. He was resigning and joining the opposition in order to fight for equality among all the people in Tanzania.

That Sunday night NRA National Conference was held and Prof. Malima was elected Chairman and Abubakar Olotu secretary of NRA. What had taken place in Dar es Salaam Airport repeated itself in Tabora Railway Station. NRA had booked a wagon for its delegates travelling back to Dar es Salaam and had paid for it in advance. But when they arrived at the railway station, they were told that no wagon has been allocated to them. The press had the chance to correct their earlier story that Prof. Malima had planned to announce his resignation from the mosque but it did not do so. The propaganda machinery wanted people to believe that Prof. Malima was unable to do so because Muslims did not allow him to mix “religion and politics.”

Sheikh Bilal Rehani Waikela TANU founder member Tabora, 1955 and secretary of  East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS), Western Province. Picture taken at Kisutu Resident Magstrate Court with Advocate Juma Nassoro.

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[1] For more information on Bilal Rehani Waikela see Mohamed Said, "Islam and Politics in Tanzania," Al Haq International, Karachi, Vol. 1/No.3, August- December, 1993.

[2] Majira,15 July, 1995.