MSAJILI WA VYAMA SIASA AONYA VURUGU ZA WAFUASI WA CHADEMA NA ZITTO

Dar es Salaam. Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa nchini, Jaji Francis Mutungi amekitaka Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema) kujiepusha na vurugu na uvunjifu wa amani kinapotatua mgogoro wake na aliyekuwa Naibu Katibu Mkuu wake, Zitto Kabwe.Mapema wiki hii, wafuasi wa Chadema walipambana na wale wanaodaiwa kuwa wafuasi wa Zitto katika eneo la Mahakamu Kuu wakati kesi hiyo ikiendelea kusikilizwa na hatimaye kutolewa hukumu iliyompa ushindi Zitto.Akizungumza kupitia taarifa yake kwa vyombo vya habari jana jijini Dar es Salaam, Jaji Mutungi alisema vitendo hivyo vinakiuka sheria ya vyama vya siasa namba 5 ya mwaka 1992.“Ninawaasa viongozi wa Chadema na Zitto Kabwe kuwazuia wafuasi wao kujihusisha na vitendo vya uvunjifu wa amani wa aina yoyote wakati wote ambao mgogoro baina yao unaendelea,” alisema Jaji Mutungi na kuongeza:“Mojawapo ya majukumu ya Ofisi ya Msajili wa vyama vya Siasa ni kusimamia utekelezaji wa Sheria ya vyama vya siasa namba 5 ya mwaka 1992 na kanuni za maadili ya vyama vya siasa ya mwaka 2007 zinazokataza vyama hivyo kuruhusu wanachama au mashabiki wake kujihusisha na vitendo vya vurugu na uvunjifu wa amani.”Amewaasa pia waandishi wa habari kujiepusha kushabikia migogoro hiyo kwani ina athari kubwa katika jamii.“Ni vizuri tukakumbusha kuwa migogoro ndani ya vyama vya siasa ni mojawapo ya vyanzo vya uvunjifu wa amani… ni vizuri waandishi wa habari watafakari kwa undani athari za taarifa zao kwa jamii kabla ya kutoa taarifa kwa wananchi kuhusu mgogoro wa ndani ya chama chochote cha siasa,” alisema Jaji Mutungi na kuongeza:“Napenda pia kusisitiza kwamba ni vyema viongozi na wanachama wa vyama vya siasa waonyeshe ukomavu wa siasa kwa kushughulikia tofauti zao na migogoro baina yao kwa ustaarabu, utulivu na amani huku wakizingatia sheria zote za nchi. Hiyo ndiyo demokrasia ya kweli.” Onyo la Msajili limekuja kutokana na vurugu zilizozuka hivi karibuni baina ya wafuasi wa Chadema na wale wa Zitto wakati wa kesi baina ya pande hizo iliyokuwa inasikilizwa Mahakama Kuu jijini Dar es Salaam.

Tewa Said Tewa Mmoja wa Waasisi wa TANU 1954

Tewa Said Tewa 1924 1998

Mmoja wa Waasisi wa TANU

Waliosimama kushoto kwenda kulia: Abduliwahid Sykes, Tewa Said Tewa
Waliokaa wa mwisho kulia Chief Abdallah Said Fundikira
Wakiwa Makka Hijja 1964

Tewa Said Tewa ni mtoto wa Dar es Salaam. Mimi nimekuwa nikimuona toka utoto wangu na kumbukumbu zangu za awali kabisa za Tewa Said Tewa ni kumuona Mtaa wa Pemba akiwa ndani ya gari lake la Kiwaziri Humber nyeusi. Nilikuja kumfahamu vizuri sasa mimi nishakuwa mtu mzima na nikawa karibunae sana kiasi alinieleza historia yake yote ya maisha yake katika siasa kuanzia kuupigania uhuru hadi alipokuwa waziri na mwisho wa kuangushwa kwake kutoka uongozi. Mzee Tewa akawa mwalimu wangu katika kuzijua siasa za Dar es Salaam ya mwaka 1950 wakati wa kudai uhuru na siasa zilizokuja kutamalaki baada ya uhuru kupatikana. Tewa Said alikuwa na umbo la kupendenza na sura jamil. Tewa Said alikuwa mvazi mzuri. Tulikuwa tukikaa kwenye veranda yake nyumbani kwake Magomeni Mikumi akinifungulia album yenye picha zake akiwa kijana wakati waziri wa serikali, balozi China na Rais wa East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS). Nilipendezwa na  zile suti zake. Picha zake kwa jumla zikimwonyesha katika baraza la kwanza la mawaziri na picha nyingine akiwa katika shughuli tofauti. Hakika ukItazama picha zile utasema ule ulikuwa wakati wa enzi zake.

Alipofariki dunia mwaka 1998 mimi sikuwapo Dar es Salaam nilikuwa nje ya nchi kwa hiyo sikuhudhuria maziko yake. Kitu cha kushangaza ni kuwa kwa kile kipndi cha takriban mwezi mmoja nilipokuwa sipo Tanzania watu maarufu watatu waliopigania wa Tanganyika walifariki kwa kufuatana mmoja baada ya mwingine, Dossa Aziz, Zuberi Mtemvu na Tewa Said Tewa. Kwa haraka niliporejea nchini nilipitia magazeti kuangalia taazia zilizoandikwa kuhusu watu hawa. Nilisikitika sana kwani hapakuwa na taazia yoyote ya maana na aliyeandikiwa taazia alikuwa mmoja tu nae ni Dossa Aziz na walioandika taazia ile ilioenesha walikuwa hawamjui Dossa. Zuberi Mtemvu na Tewa Said hawakuandikiwa taazia yoyote. Nilinyanyua kalamu na kuwaandikia taazia stahili yao hao wote na zote zilichapwa katika magazeti. Hawa wote walikuwa wazee wangu wakinifahamu si mimi tu bali hata wazazi wangu.

Tewa ni mmoja katika wale wazalendo 17 walioasisi TANU lakini katika picha ile maarufu ya waasisi wa TANU yeye na Ally Sykes hawamo. Sababu ya kutokuwepo kwao ni kuwa wao walikuwa wanyakazi wa serikali na kuna na Government Circular No. 5 ya serikali ya kikoloni hawakuwa na ruhusa ya kujiingiza katika siasa. Tewa ni kati ya watu wa mwanzo kumpokea Nyerere na kufahamiana na Nyerere alipokuja Dar es Salaam mwaka wa 1952. Tewa alikuwa mwanachama wa kikundi kilichojiita Wednesday Tea Club ambacho kiliwajumuisha vijana wa wakati ule waliokuwa katika TAA na kazi kubwa ya kikundi hiki ilikuwa kukutana nyumbani kwa Abdulahid au Dossa kila siku ya Jumatano kunywa chai pamoja na kupiga siasa. Kwa ajili hii Tewa alishuhudia yote katika harakati za kudai uhuru kwa macho yake si kama mtazamaji bali kama mchezaji wa kikosi cha kwanza.

Mzee Tewa akinihadithia habari za Julius Nyerere anasema kuwa alifuatwa na Abdulwahid Sykes usiku nyumbani kwake Mtaa wa Pemba siku moja kabla ya kufanya uchaguzi mkuu wa TAA wa mwaka 1953 uliomwingiza Nyerere katika uongozi wa TAA. Tewa anasema Abdulwahid alikwenda kwake kwa minajili ya kuzungumza kuhusu uchaguzi ule ambao yeye Abdulwahid Sykes alikuwa anapambana na Nyerere. Jinsi mipango ilivyokuwa imepangwa uchaguzi ule ilikuwa sawa na kukamilisha ratiba ya mkutano tu kwani viongozi wa juu wa TAA, yeye mwenyewe Abdulwahid, Ally, Dossa na John Rupia walikuwa wamekubaliana kuwa Nyerere apewe nafasi ile kwa Abdulwahid  kumpisha kiti. Mara nyingi sana Mzee Tewa kila tukizungumza habari za Nyerere na TANU alikuwa akikirudia kisa hili kama vile kasahau kuwa alinishanieleza. Tewa anasema, “Abdulwahid alikuja kwangu usiku na akaniambia kuwa Tewa, kesho tunakwenda kumpa huyu mtu, Nyerere, mamlaka ya kuendesha nchi hii. Kuanzia hapo, mara tu tutakapomchagua kutuongoza hakuna namna tena ya kumnyang’anya madaraka tuliyompa. Hatumfahamu vizuri sana lakini natumaini kila kitu kitakwenda sawa.” Mzee Tewa alikuwa akisema kuwa, “Abdulwahid ndiye aliyechelewesha kuundwa kwa TANU. Ilikuwa TANU tuiunde toka 1950 na tungefanya vile Nyerere asingetuwahi angekuwa keshachelewa lakini Abdu kwa miaka minne mfulululizo alikataa kuitisha mkutano wa TAA hadi 1954. Kila tukimwambia habari ya mkutano anasema tusubiri mambo bado.”

Mzee Tewa alikuwa mwalimu wangu na hivi niandikapo ni kama vile namuona na mimi kama mwanafunzi anaetaka kuonekana hodari sikuacha kumvurumishia maswali. Nilimuuliza,“Hivi baba inawezekanaje mtu mmoja akasimamisha kuitishwa kwa mkutano wa chama?” Mzee Tewa alinijibu kwa kusema, “Abdu alikuwa na akili sana na sisi sote tukimtegemea yeye katika uendeshaji wa chama lakini kikubwa zaidi ni kuwa tukimtegemea zaidi katika kufadhili mambo mengi ya chama. Sasa yeye akisema tusubiri ilibidi iwe hivyo. Hawa akina Sykes katika TAA na TANU walikuwa na nguvu sana maana licha kuwa viongozi walitoa fedha zao kupambana na Waingereza na hilo toka enzi ya baba yao.

Tewa Said baada ya kupatikana uhuru mwaka wa 1961 na sasa akiwa waziri wa serikali, mwaka  wa 1962 alishiriki katika kuitisha mkutano uliokujajulikana kama Muslim Congress. Tewa Said alihusika sana katika kufanikisha mkutano huu. Mkutano huu ulihudhuriwa na jumuia zote za Kiislam zilizokuwapo wakati ule kama East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS), Daawat Islamiyya, Jamiatul Islamiya fi Tanganyika na Muslim Education Union. Mkutano huu uliamua pamoja na mambo mengine kuanzisha idara ya elimu chini ya EAMWS. Mkutano huu ulitayarisha mipango ya kujenga shule Tanganyika nzima na mwishowe kujenga Chuo Kikuu cha kwanza kwa Waislam katika Afrika ya Mashariki. Mkutano ule ukamchagua Tewa Said Tewa kuwa mwenyekiti wa EAMWS kwa upande wa Tanganyika. Kwa kitendo hiki nyota ya Tewa ikazidi kung’ara si Tanganyika tu bali Afrika ya Mashariki nzima. Wenzake katika harakati hizi maarufu sana alikuwa Badru Kakunguru wa Uganda na Prince karim Aga Khan. Lakini Mzee Tewa alinieleza ushindi ule wake na usuhuba wake na watu mashuhuri kama hawa ukaja kumsababishia matatizo makubwa baadae.

Nakumbuka kama jana vile siku Mzee Tewa aliponieleza kisa hiki. Alinyanyuka pale tukipokuwa tumekaa akaingia chumbani kwake akatoka na jalada akanikabidhi akisema, “Mohamed haya niliyoandika humu sijamwonyesha yeyote wewe utakuwa mtu wa kwanza kusoma maisha yangu ya siasa. Tafadhali nenda na jalada hili kasome kisha unirudishie.” Iko siku kaja mtu kwangu akanambia, “Mohamed, Mzee Tewa anasema anakupenda sana na akashangaa anasema hayo mapenzi yake kwako ni maajabu ya Mwenyezi Mungu kwani yeye na baba yako hawakuwa na mkabala mwema toka utoto wao lakini ajabu wewe mwanae umekuja kuwa rafiki yake.” Maneno haya aliyasema Mzee Tewa alipofikishiwa habari za kifo cha baba yangu na huyu mpashaji habari wangu.” Nilisoma lile jalada na kwa kweli niliyokuta mle yalinikosesha raha sana. Nilianza kumtazama Mzee Tewa  sasa kwa sura nyingine kabisa na mapenzi yangu kwake yakazidi kupita kiasi.Ikawa sasa nimepata tafsriri halisi ya maneno, “siasa ni mc mchezo mchafu.” Mzee wangu Ahmed Rashad Ali yeye akiongeza akisema,”Jinsi unavyokuwa mchafu zaidi ndiyo unavyokuwa bingwa.” Insha Allah iko siku nitakuja andika na kuyaweka wazi kwa ajili ya faida ya kizazi kijacho mengi alonambia Mzee Tewa na yale niliyosoma katika lile jalada lake alilonipa.

Mwaka 1964 Tewa Said Tewa aliongoza ujumbe wa EAMWS akifuatana na Mufti wa Tanganyika na Unguja Sheikh Hassan Bin Amir na Sheikh Said Omar Abdallah, maarufu kwa jina la Mwinyibaraka (Mwinyibaraka alikuwa msomi wa Chuo Cha Oxford, Uingereza), Aziz Khaki na wengineo wakafanya ziara ya nchi za Kiislam na walionana na Gamal Abdi Nasser ambae aliwapa msaada wa kujenga Chuo Kikuu Cha Waislam, Tanzania. Huyu Aziz Khaki alikuwa mtu muhimu sana katika EAMWS yeye alikuwa katibu lakini zaidi alikuwa kama mwakilishi wa Aga Khan ndani ya jumuia hiyo. Mwalimu Nyerere alialikwa katika sherehe ya kuweka jiwe la msingi la Chuo Kikuu na yeye kwa mkono wake ndiye aliweka jiwe lile akiwa katika ya Tewa Said Tewa na Sheikh Hassan bin Amir. Sherehe ilikuwa kubwa na mabalozi wa nchi zote za Kiislam walihudhuria sherehe ile. Haukupita muda Tewa Said Tewa Nyerere akamtoa Tewa katika baraza la mawaziri na kumfanya balozi wa Tanzania China. Hii ilikuwa mwaka 1965. Tewa inaelekea hakuipenda nafasi ile akajiuzulu na kurudi nyumbani kushiriki katika uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka ule. Katika uchaguzi ule wa mwaka 1965 ambao Bibi Titi aligombea wote Bi Titi na Tewa walianguka tena kwa kushindwa na watu ambao wala hawakuwa maarufu wala hawakuwa na nguvu yoyote ya siasa. Bibi Titit alibwagwa na mtu mmoja akijulikana kama A. M. Mtanga na Tewa akaangushwa na mtu aliyeitwa na Ramadhani Dollah. Huyu Dolla alikuwa mbunge kwa kipindi kimoja uchaguzi wa 1970 aliangushwa na mwisho aliishia jela.

Baada ya kishindo kile Tewa sasa akajikita katika kuhakikisha kuwa anafanikisha ujenzi wa Chuo KIkuu Cha Waislam. Lakini hakufanikiwa kwani ghafla akajikuta yuko katikakati ya kile kilichokujajulikana kama “mgogoro wa  EAMWS wa mwaka 1968” mgogoro ambao ulidumu kwa takriban miezi mitatu na mwishowe serikali ikakipiga chama kile marufuku na Sheikh Hassan bin Amir akakamatwa usiku wa manane kurudishwa kwao Unguja na BAKWATA ikaundwa kushika nafasi ya EAMWS. Ujenzi wa chuo Kikuu na mradi wa kujenga shule za msingi na upili ambazo Tewa alikuwa akizisimamia chini ya EAMWS vyote vikafa. Kwa kipindi kirefu kuanzia mwaka 1968 Mzee Tewa aliishi maisha ya upweke hadi miaka ya 1990 kwa sababu ya mwelekeo mpya wa siasa Mzee Tewa alianzisha taasisi iliyokuja kujulikana kama Muzdaliffa Muslim Academy iliyokuwa na makao yake makuu Msikiti wa Manyema, Dar es Salaam.

Kipindi cha miaka ya 1990 kilikuwa kipindi kigumu kwa utawala wa Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi kuliibuka migogoro mingi ya kidini. Sasa watu waliopata kuwa viongozi katika taasisi za dini walijaribu sana kutoa michango jinsi ya kuyaendea haya matatizo. Mzee Tewa alijitokeza sana katika kutoa mchango wake. Mwaka 1991 Kanisa Katoliki katika kuadhimisha miaka 25 ya “World Peace Day” walifikisha salamu zilizotoka kwa Papa na aliyezfikisha salamu zile kwa Waislam wa Tanzania alikuwa Balozi wa Papa Tanzania, Monseigneur Agostino Machetto akifuatana na the Secretary of the Apostolic, Father Gabriele Gaccia na Father Peter Smith. Tewa Said Tewa  ndiye aliyepokea salamu hizi kwa niaba ya Waislam wa Tanzania. Picha za sherehe hii ilipamba magazeti yote. Inaelekea Tewa Said Tewa hakuwa na bahati na uongozi mara zikatokea vurugu za kuvunjwa mabucha ya nguruwe mjini Dar es Salaam na serikali ikapiga marufuku taasisi zote za Kiislam isipokuwa BAKWATA na Tewa akarudia tena maisha yake ya upweke.

Mara nyingi nilipokwenda nyumbani kwake kuasalimia nilimkuta mnyonge na mwenye fikra lakini hakuacha kuniombea dua na kunihimiza nisiwache kumtembelea. Akiwa katika hali kama hii siku moja akanipa jalada lingine nikasome. Ilipigwa na butwaa. Mzee Tewa alikuwa amefasiri kutoka kwa Kiingereza kuja Kiswahili “Homer” na “Ulysses.” Mzee wangu Tewa Said Tewa alipofariki nilikuwa niko nje ya Tanzania na habari za kifo chake kilifikia kwa wakati. Nilisikitika sana hasa nikikumbuka nyakati nilizokuwanae faragha pale nyumbani kwake Mikumi akinisomesha siasa za nchi yetu na kunihadithia madhila yaliyomkuta kwa ajili ya kuutumikia umma kwa uadilifu. Miaka miwili iliyopita nilikuwa naandika kitabu na nikahitaji picha. Nilipokwenda kuwaona watoto na wajukuu wa Mzee Tewa kuomba picha hakuna aliyekuwa anajua maktaba ya mzee wao iko wapi. Nilionyeshwa picha moja tu ya Tewa iliyotundikwa ukutani iliyopigwa Makka mwaka wa 1964 wakati Tewa alipokwenda hija. Nilijaribu kuwaongelesha kuhusu mzee wao na kwa masikitiko makubwa nilikuja kubaini kuwa vijana wale hawakuwa wanajua chochote kuhusu huyu shujaa wa uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Mohamed Said

6 Oktoba 2011

AHMED RASHAD ALI BINGWA WA PROPAGANDA ZA UKOMBOZI WA AFRIKA

1931 Cup
Central Government School
Mnazimmoja
Waliosimama kuanzia kulia:

1.    Amour Muhammed Al Barwani
2.    Muhammed Abdulla Al Ghassany (marehemu Baba)
3.    Saleh ( Baba yake alikuwa akiuzwa Haluwa)
4.    Muhammed Abdulla Salim Al Barwani
5.    Unknown
6.    Saleh Awadh Al Hadhramy
7.    Unknown
8.    Muhammed Amran ( From Pemba)
9.    Muhammed Muhammed Othman
10.    Unknown
Waliokaa kwenye viti kutoka kulia1.    Eisa Muhammed Said Al Barwani
2.    Ahmed Rashad Ali Bakashmar (marehemu Mzee Rashadi)
3.    Hussein Gahtan
4.    Maalim Hilal Al Barwani
5.    Ali Muhsin Al Barwani (marehemu Sheikh Ali Muhsin)
6.    Ali Khalifa Al Miskry
7.    Ali Said
Waliokaa Chini kwenye ardhi kutoka kulia
1.    Muhammed Ali Ameir Al Marhoubi
2.    Suleiman Said Al Kharusy
Majina yote ameyapata Sheikh Taha Baharoon (wa Dubai) kutoka kwa  Bwana Amour Muhammed Al Barwani aliyopo Muscat.

Tutakuwekeeani hapa maisha ya Ahmed Rashad Ali na katika maisha yake lau kwa mukhtahsari tutamtaja Ali Muhsin Barwani. Wote hawa wawili ni watu ambao historia ya ukombozi wa Zanzibar haiwezi kukamilika bila kuwataja. 

Ahmad Rashad Ali alikuja kuwa mcheza mpira maarufu India wakati akiwa mwanafunzi na kisha kuwa mchezaji maarufu na nahodha wa timu ya Zanzibar katika mashindano ya Gossage Cup katika miaka 1940 hadi 1950. Ali Muhsin alifahamika kwa kuwa hodari vilevile katika mpira utotoni lakini zaidi kwa uhidari wa masoma darasani kiasi cha kwenda kusoma Makerere College, Uganda. Lakini Ali Muhsin atakachokumbukwa sana kwa siku zile ni kuongoza harakati za siasa chini ya Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) au kwa jina lingine Hizbu L' Watan. Ali Muhsin alikuwa katika serikali ya kwanza ya Zanzibar iliyopinduliwa mwaka 1964 na yeye akawekwa kifungoni Tanzania Bara kwa amri ya Nyerere kwa miaka 10.

Vuteni subra tunatayarisha mahanjumati...

Uhuru wa Tanganyika Haukuletwa na Nyerere Peke Yake Mohamed Said

Uhuru wa Tanganyika Haukuletwa na Nyerere Peke Yake

Mohamed Said

Kama kawaida ya makala za Mzee wangu Yusuf Halimoja huwa ni mchuzi wenye viungo vingi, hiliki, giligilani, abdalasini, binzari nyembamba na kadhalika. Mzee Halimoja kazungumza kuhusu historia ya TANU na nafasi ya Nyerere, kazungumza kuhusu Mihadhara ya “Uchochezi ya Waislam,” kazungumza kuhusu Elimu ya Waislam na Chuo Kikuu, kama ada yake hakuweza kuacha kuzungumza kuhusu Waarabu na Utumwa, nk. (Jamhuri 17 23, 2012) Insha Allah nitajitahidi kugusa kote. Pili ningependa kumfahamisha Mzee Halimoja kuwa hicho kichwa kilichopamba makala yangu aliyoijibu, “Halimoja ana Chuki na Waislam,” si kichwa nilichoandika mimi. Nadhani kichwa hiki ndicho kilichomfanya Mzee Halimoja aseme kuhusu “uchochezi” wangu. Sasa ikiwa mimi sikuweka kichwa hicho hapo awali ni wazi kuwa shutuma ya uchochezi itakuwa imeniepuka isipokuwa nitabakia na lile la kuwaenzi Waislam na mchango wao katika kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika. Hata hivyo hilo halinitoi katika kujibu baadhi ya shutuma kuhusu Waislam kuwa ni “wachokozi.”

Napenda kumfahamisha Mzee wangu Yusuf Halimoja kuwa kuwa katika maandiko yangu yote na katika mihadhara niliyopata kutoa ndani na nje ya nchi sijapata kusema kuwa Waislam walitoa mchango mkubwa kuliko mchango alitoa Nyerere katika kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika. Sijaona haja ya kupima nani kasaidia zaidi harakati za kudai uhuru labda kwa kuwa hata kama leo nitataka kufanya hivyo tatizo litakuwa ni vigezo gani nitumie ili kujua nani kamzidi nani. Hii bila shaka itakuwa kazi kubwa kwa kuwa walipogania uhuru wa Tanganyika walikuwa wengi. Kuna wale waliokuwa pale Makao Makuu ya TAA na kasha TANU pale New Street, Dar es Salaam na kuna wale waliokuwa majimboni. Jingine ni kuwa hadi TANU inaanzishwa TAA ilikuwa tayari ishakuwapo kwa miaka 21 na viongozi wakiingia na kutoka na kila mtu alikuwa na mchango wake. Mzee Halimoja akitaka kujua mchango wa viongozi hawa ambae yeye hawaoni kuwa ni wanasiasa na asome tahariri alizokuwa akiandika katika miaka ya 1930 ndani ya gazeti lake alilokuwa kilihariri yeye mwenyewe, “Kwetu.” Nakala za gazeti hili zinapatikana Maktaba ya Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam.

Fiah alikuwa mfuasi wa Marx na alijaribu kuhamasisha tabaka la wafanyakazi na wakulima kuwaunganisha dhidi ya ukoloni. Kuanzia mwaka wa 1950 kulikuwa na kamati ya ndani ya TAA iliyokuja kuasisi TANU. Pamoja na haya kuna viongozi wa Al Jamiatul Islamiyya Fi Tanganyika waliokujatoa uongozi katika TANU. Sasa vipi mtu atasema harakati kazianza Nyerere wakati haya yalipokuwa yakitendeka Nyerere hakuwapo?  Kuna wazalendo kama Kleist Sykes, Ali Jumbe Kiro,  Ali Mwinyi Tambwe, Salum Abdallah, Ibrahim Hamisi, Hassan Machakaomo Maalim Popo Saleh na wengine, hawa waliitumikia African Association, kasha TAA na baadae TANU. Wengi wao walishughulika sana katika miaka ya 1940 hadi kumalizika kwa Vita Kuu ya Pili. Kuna watu kama Abdulwahid Sykes, Ally Sykes, Dossa Aziz  (wanakamati ya ndani ya TAA) waliokuja kupokea kijiti kutoka kwa wazee wao. Dossa alikuwa hapandi jukwaani lakini ndiyo ilikuwa “benki” ya TANU. Inasemekana hakuna wa kumfikia Dossa kwa fedha alizotoa katika kupigania uhuru. Ikutoshe tu kuwa gari la kwanza TANU kuwanalo kumsaidia Nyerere kwenda huku na kule alilitoa Dossa. Abdulwahid Sykes hakuwa anapanda jukwaani lakini na yeye alikuwa “sanduku la fedha” la TANU, halikadhalika mdogo wake Ally Sykes.

Kalamu ya Abdulwahid Sykes na mipango alokuwa akiipanga akishirikiana Mufti wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Hamza Mwapachu, Dk. Vedasto Kyaruzi, Stephen Mhando na wanakamati wa TAA Political Sub Committee ndiyo iliyosababisha uhuru upatikane mwaka 1961. Kamati hii iliundwa 1950 ndani ya TAA na wakati ule Nyerere hakuwapo. Vijana hawa walikungwa mkono na wazee waliounda Baraza la Wazee wa TANU lililokuwa na Waislam watupu. Katika hawa wazee wapo waliokuwa wanapanda majukwaani na kusafiri na Nyerere vijijini kuitangaza TANU kama Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Rajab Diwani na wengineo na walikuwapo wengine hawakuwa wapanda majukwaa lakini wakichangia juhudi zile kwa njia nyingine. Katika hawa mchango wa Mshume Kiyate ni wa kupigiwa mfano. Harakati za kudai uhuru hazikuanza na Nyerere mwaka 1954 vuguvugu lilianza toka miaka ya mwisho ya 1920 African Association ilipoasisiwa. Chama hiki kina historia yake na kina mashujaa wake waliofanya makubwa, katika wakati wao kama Kleist Sykes, Erika Fiah, Ali Juma Ponda, Hassan Tawafiq Suleiman, Edward Mwangosi na wengine wengi. Wazalendo hawa walikuwa na mchango wao wa kuwaamsha wananchi wajijue.

Naamini Mzee wangu Halimoja labda hakuwa anayajua haya kama Watanzania wengi walivyokuwa gizani katika historia hii ya kutukuka. Mzee Halimoja yeye anaamini hapakuwa na siasa katika TAA lakini Waingereza wakijua fika kuwa TAA ingawa haikuwa na katiba ya siasa lakini kilikuwa chama cha siasa kamili. Moja ya masikitiko yangu ni kuwa hadi leo watoto wa marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes hawajaamua kuzifungua na kuziweka wazi shajara zake alizokuwa akiziandika wakati kabla na baada ya kuunda TANU kwa hiyo mengi hayajulikani kama ambavyo tungelipendfa kufahamu. Ningependa kumwekea msomaji hapa machache kutoka nyaraka za Sykes:

 "...it is reported that the Secretary of the Association, Abdul Wahid Sykes has 

dispatched letters to all branches asking members for suggestions under

the following heads for a memorandum to be prepared for the Royal

Commission..."

“...Abdul Wahid Kleist Sykes, Secretary of the African Association who, as

reported in last month's summary (paragraph 20) was going on safari up 

country, visited Mwanza, where he met Paul Bomani, President of the

Bukoba African Association, and accompanied him to Bukoba. Sykes then

visited Kampala alone.....on 8^th March, a secret   meeting was held, attended
by leading members of the Mwanza Branch...”

(Tanganyika Political Intelligence Summary March, 1952).

Tukija katika TAA hasa kuanzia mwaka wa 1950 kuna wengi waliopambana na ukitaka kujua hali ya siasa ilivyokuwa wakati ule pitia nyaraka za marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes. Utakayosoma katika nyaraka hizi zitakudhihirishia bila hofu wala wasiwasi kuwa TAA kilikuwa chama cha siasa. Kutokana na nyaraka hizi mwandishi ameandika kitabu cha maisha ya Abdulwahid Sykes na ndani yake kawataja wale wote walioondolewa aidha kwa makusudi au kwa bahati mbaya katika historia ya kudai uhuru. Inawezekana watu kama Halimoja hawataki tu kusikia upande mwingine wa historia. Hili ni jambo la kusikitisha kwani kwa kuifunga akili yao kuhusu historia hii watapitwa na mengi. Halimoja anasema Nyerere ndiye aliyepeleka harakati vijijini. Halimoja anasema hivyo kwa kuwa labda kama ni mkweli kuna asiyoyajua kuhusu kuipeleka TANU kwa wananchi. Ushahidi wa kihistoria haukubaliani na msimamo wa Mzee Halimoja. Ningependa kumkumbusha Mzee Halimoja majina ya waasisi wa African Asociation kwa kuwa yeye kanasa na Cecil Motola peke yake mtu wa Masasi mwenzake. Kleist Sykes ndiye aliyeasisi Africa Association baada ya kuifanyia kazi fikra aliyopewa na Dr. Aggrey mwaka 1924. Kleist aliasisi African Association mwaka 1929 akiwa na rafiki zake wa karibu kama Mzee bin Sudi, ambaye wazazi wake walikuwa Wamanyema kutoka Belgian Congo, Ibrahim Hamis - Mnubi ambaye baba yake alitoka Daffur nchini Sudan, Zibe Kidasi, Ali Said Mpima - Mzaramo, Suleiman Majisu, Raikes Kusi, Rawson Watts na Cecil Matola - Myao kutoka Masasi, Kleist akiwa katibu muasisi wa African Association.    

Napenda tena kumjuvya Mzee Halimoja kuwa wanachama wa kwanza wa TANU walitoka Rufiji mwaka 1954 na aliyekwenda kuwatafuta wanachama hao ni Said Chamwenyewe baada ya kuagizwa na Abdulwahid Sykes ili TANU ipate tasjila kwa kuwa wakoloni walikataa kuisajili TANU ati chama hakina watu. Katika kipindi hicho majuma machache tu tangu TANU iasisiwe Zuberi Mtemvu akachukua kadi za TANU kutoka kwa Ally Sykes akifuatana na Nyerere wakenda Morogoro kukitangaza chama. Mwaka 1956 katika vijiji vya Dodoma TANU iliingizwa vijijini na Haruna Taratibu na Omar Suleiman. Mwaka huo huo katika vijiji vya Jimbo la Kusini, TANU iliingizwa vijijini na Salum Mpunga, Yusuf Chembera, Suleiman Masudi Mnonji, Shariffa bint Mzee, Said Alley Mwalimu, Mohamed Ali Abdallah na wanaharakati wengine. Huko Kilimanjaro TANU ilienezwa na akina Yusuf Olotu, Mama bint Maalim, Halima Selengia, Melkezedek Saimon, Gabrieli Malaika, Eikaeli Mbowe, Juma Ngoma na wengine wengi. Mifano naweza kuitoa mingi sana.

Halimoja anasema labda kwa kegemea historia ya Nyerere kama aijuavyo yeye kuwa tawi la Dar es Salaam la TANU ndilo lilikuwa dhaifu. Sijui anakusudia tawi lipi kwa kuwa matawi ya TANU Dar es Salaam yalikuwa lukuki na yote hayo yalikuwa na nguvu sana kuanzia Makao Makuu New Street hadi uje Tawi la Kisutu ambalo baadae lilikuja kuhamia Mtaa wa Mvita. Hili tawi la Mvita lilikuwa chini ya uongozi wa Mtoro Kibwana kama katibu na Sheikh Haidar Mwinyimvua kama Mwenyekiti na baadae uenyekiti ukashikwa na Yahya Saleh. Inasemekana tawi hili ndilo lililokuwa na nguvu kushinda matawi yote Tanganyika. Huu ndiyo ukweli na picha na nyaraka kuthibitisha haya yote zipo na mwandishi katika kutafiti historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika kapata bahati ya kuzisoma nyaraka za wakati huo na kuzifanyia uchambuzi. Sasa kama Mzee Halimoja bado kaelemewa na ile propaganda kuwa TAA kilikuwa chama cha starehe hakuna wa kumzuia katika fikra zake hizo. Kwa mukhtasari hii ndiyo ilikuwa michango ya baadhi ya wazalendo ambao hadi leo taifa limewasahau. Katika hali kama hii vipi Mzee Halimoja atadai kuwa Nyerere alikuwa na mchango wa pekee? Hiyo pekee kama ipo na ataufahamishe tupo tayari kumwazima masikio yetu.

Nampa chamgamoto Mzee Halimoja aeleze ni akina nani waliingiza TANU Peramiho na Masasi. Mtu mmoja asingeweza kupigana vita ile peke yake. Nyerere hakuwa peke yake si Dar es Salaam wala huko vijijini alikosema Mzee Halimoja. Tabu ya wanaotaka kumtukuza Nyerere peke yake kama Mzee Halimoja iko hapa. Wao hawawataki kabisa kusikia historia ya waliomtangulia Nyerere katika siasa au aliokuwanao pamoja bega kwa bega. Hamu yao kubwa ni kuwa historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika ianze na kumalizikia kwa Nyerere. Iwe itakavyokuwa mimi sina ugomvi na wao kila mtu ana uhuru wa mawazo yake hatulazimishani katika hilo. Jambo la kushangaza ni kuwa anapokuja mtu na maelezo mengine ya historia ya kudai uhuru hawa wenzetu wanaumwa sana. Ninachosema siku zote ni kuwa uhuru wa Tanganyika umepiganiwa kwa kiasi kikubwa sana na Waislam na jambo la kusikitisha hao walioupigania uhuru huo bega kwa bega na Nyerere hawatambuliwi na hawajapewa heshima na hadhi wanayostahili. Haya ndiyo mambo mawili ambayo nimekuwa nikikisisitiza siku zote.

Sasa tuje suala la mihadhara. Historia ya mihadhara ni ndefu na inahitaji makala maalum ili kuitendea haki. Wachungaji walikuwa wakipita katika nyumba za Waislam kuwahubiria wakumkubali Yesu ili waokoke. Hili limekuwa likifanyika kwa zaidi ya  miaka mia sasa. Kuna kisa maarufu cha Sheikh Idrissa bin Saad na padre kutoka kanisa la Misheni Kota aliyekuwa akija nyumbani kwa Sheikh Idrissa kumuhubiria “Neno la Bwana.” Inasemekana Sheikh Idrissa alikuwa akimkaribisha huyu mchungaji na akiagiza chai iletwe kwa jili ya mgeni wake na sheikh akikaa kimya kumsikiliza hadi amalize mahubiri yake kisha wanaagana. Wanafunzi wa sheikh walikuwa wakikereka sana na hali ile lakini Sheikh Idrissa alikuwa akiwaeleza kuwa dini inahitaji ustahamilivu. Kwa muda mrefu sana mahubiri ya dini yalikuwa yakifanywa na Wakristo peke yao na kwa kweli mihadhara hiyo haikuwa na athari yoyote kwenye Uislam. Matatizo yalianza pale Waislam kuanzia miaka ya mwanzo 1990 nao walipoanza kutoka misikitini na kuutangaza Uislam hadharani wakitumia Biblia. Baada ya mihadhara hii huko Sumbawanga Wakristo 2000 kutoka Kanisa Katoliki walisilimishwa na Kagera Padri Yusufu Makaka wa Kanisa la Kilutheri Kagera yeye na wafuasi wake 3000 walisilimu na kuingia Uislam. Hofu kuu iliingia katika kanisa na hawakuwa na pa kwenda isipokuwa kuomba msaada wa seriakali ilihami kanisa lisije likasambaratika. Kadinali Otunga wa Kanisa Katoliki Kenya yeye alitoa ilani kwa kusema kuwa kanisa lipo katika hali ya kusambaratishwa endapo hatua za haraka hazitachukuliwa kulihami dhidi ya wahubiri wa Kiislam. Kufuatia matokeo haya mwaka 1989 Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT) iliionya serikali kuhusu wahubiri wa Kiislam.  Mwaka 1993 Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC) ikatoa taarifa yenye vitisho kuwa endapo Waislam hawataacha mahubiri yao damu itamwagika.  Mapdri walijaribu kupambana na wahubiri wa Kiislam juu ya ulingo lakini walikuwa wanashindwa vibaya sana. Hilo ndilo lilowafanya wakimbilie kutoa vitisho na kutaka msaada wa serikali kuwadhibiti Waislam. Mtokeo ya juhudi hizi za kanisa ni mauaji ya Mwembechai mwaka 1998. Hii ndiyo hali ya mambo kwa mukhtasari.

Mzee Halimoja kaeleza habari ya Waarabu na utumwa. Hakuna wa kupinga hilo kuwa Waarabu walishiriki katika biashara ya utumwa kama vile walivyoshiriki Wazungu na Waafrika. Hata hivyo ningependa kumzindua kuwa mbona kawataja Waarabu peke yao katika biashara hii? Kwani yeye hajui kuwa kulikuwa na biashara ya utumwa kupitia bahari ya Atlantic na meli  moja ya kubeba watumwa ilikuwa ikiitwa “Jesus?” Mzee Halimoja kaeleza Waislam kukosa chuo kikuu hadi walipopewa na Benjamin Mkapa. Kisa cha East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) na kupigwa kwake marufuku na Nyerere ni katika mambo maarufu kwa Waislam. Mzee Halimoja anatonesha kidonda. Nyerere aliihujumu jumuia hiyo ya Waislam kwa kuwa ilikuwa ikijenga Chuo Kikuu. Mkapa akitumia gazeti la Nationalist, Martin Kiama akitumia Radio Tanzania, Geofrey Sawaya wa Jeshi la Polisi walikuwa washiriki wakuu wa katika kampeni ile dhidi ya EAMWS mwaka 1968 kama lilivyokuwa Kanisa Katoliki wakimtumia Nyerere. Hii ni mada ya kujitegemea Insha Allah itakapopatikana nafasi tutazungumza kwa marefu na mapana yake.

Mwisho ningependa kumwekea Waislam waliopata misukosuko wakati wa utawala wa Nyerere. Nafanya hivi kwa kuwa yeye anadai Waislam hawakutaabishwa na Waingereza. Ukweli ni kuwa Waingereza na Watanganyika waliendesha siasa za upole tofauti na Kenya. Matatizo kwa Waislam na Uislam yalikuja baada ya uhuru mwaka 1961. Hawa wafuatao ndiyo waliofungwa na Nyerere:Abdillah Schneider Plantan, Sheikh Abdulkarim Abdulwahid, Maalim Popo Saleh, Suleiman Masudi Mnonji, Ali Migeyo, Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Shariff Hussein Badawiy, Shariff Mwinyibaba, Shariff Adnan, Bilali Rehani Waikela, Sheikh Jumanne Bias, Maalim Matar, Abdalah Mwamba, Sheikh Hashim Haji Abdallah, Sheikh Nurdin Hussein, Salum Abdallah Popo (babu yake Mwandishi), Sheikh Mzee Ali Comoriam, Sheikh Al Amin Maftah, Rajab Kiguu cha Mbuzi, Ahmed Rashad Alina wengine wengi.

Juu ya hayo yote Tanzania ni nchi huru watu wana uhuru wa kumpachika yeyote wampendae jina wanaloona linamwenea ama liwe “Baba wa Taifa,” “Baba wa Kanisa” nk. Mtu huwezi kuwa na ugomvi na mambo kama haya. Leo kuna maprofesa wala hawajauona mlango wa darasa na maprofesa hawajaenda mahakamani kuweka p;ingamizi wala wenye shahada zao hawajaonesha kukereka.  Ukipenda unaweza hatakuwa Field Marshal na hakuna atakaekuuliza wapi ulipigana vita na katika jeshi lipi.  Halikadhalika mtu ana uhuru wa kuamini historia yoyote aitakayo. Anaweza kudai kuwa TANU ilianzishwa na Nyerere mwaka 1954 na akaja mwingine akasema hilo haliwezekani na kama kuna mzalendo anaeweza kujinasibu na kuanzishwa kwa TANU basi marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes anastahili zaidi kwani baba yake ndiye aliyeasisi African Association mwaka 1929 na kati ya 1930 hadi 1933 akajenga ofisi ya African Association New Street, nyumba ambayo TANU ilikuja kuzaliwa ndani yake mwaka 1954.

Siwezi kumjibu Mzee Halimoja kila alosema hapa tulipofika panatosha.
19 Januari, 2012

Sheikh Nurdin Hussein Khallifa wa Tariqa Shadhliy 

Ali Juma Ponda

Erika Fiah

Ally Kleist Sykes 1926 – 2013 Mzalendo Muasisi wa TANU Aliyemwandikia na Kumkabidhi Julius Nyerere Kadi ya TANU Na. 1

Ally Sykes

Ally Kleist Sykes

1926 – 2013

Mzalendo Muasisi wa TANU  Aliyemwandikia na Kumkabidhi  Julius Nyerere Kadi ya TANU Na. 1

Historia ina kawaida ya kujirudia. Ally Sykes mmoja wa waasisi wa TANU, mmoja wa wale watu wasiozidi takriban saba walikuwa katika kamati ya ndani ya TAA iliyounda TANU, mmoja wa wafadhili wakuu wa TANU, mmoja wa askari na hapa nalitumia neno ‘’askari’’ kwa maana yake halisi kwa kuwa ni Ally Syke ndiye TAA hadi TANU ikimtegemea kwa kutekeleza mambo ya hatari dhidi ya Waingereza, amefariki dunia.  Ally Sykes ndiye alikuwa akipewa kazi za hatari za kumwaga ‘’sumu na upupu’’ dhidi ya serikali. Sumu na upupu huu yalikuwa makaratasi aliyokuwa akichapa nyumbani kwake usiku makaratasi ambayo Waingereza waliyaita makaratasi ya ‘’uchochezi.’’ Waingereza na makachero wake walikuwa wanamjua Ally Sykes vizuri. Waingereza walikuwa wakijua kuwa alikuwa na medali ya mlenga shabaha bingwa aliyopata Vita Kuu ya Pili ya Dunia. Huyu ndiye Ally Sykes mzalendo muasisi wa TANU ambae sahihi yake ndiyo iko katika kadi ya TANU ya Baba wa Taifa, amefariki Nairobi Jumapili iliyopita alikokwenda kwa ajili ya matibabu.

Siku ile ile ya Jumapili milango ya mchana mchanga kabisa kabla ya adhuhr taarifa ikawasili Dar es Salaam kuwa Ally Sykes amefariki dunia. Ghafla mji  wa Dar es Salaam alikozaliwa na akaendesha harakati zake dhidi ya ukoloni wa Waingereza ukgubikwa na simanzi. Kila simu iliyokuwa ikipokelewa na wengi ilikuwa ni kutaka kuthibitisha kifo kile. Binafsi simu zikaanza kumiminika kwangu za kunipa pole.

 Hadi kufika jioni habari zikawa zimeenea mji mzima kuwa ni kweli Ally Sykes hayuko tena duniani. Haukupita muda siku ile ile maiti ya Ally Sykes ikawasili Dar es Salaam kwa ndege ya kukodi ikiwa imesindikizwa na mkewe Bi Zainab na baadhi ya wanae wakiongozwa na mtoto wake wa kwanza wa kiume Abraham Sykes. Siku ya pili Jumatatu magazeti yote yalikuwa yametoka yakiwa hayana taarifa yoyote ya kifo cha Ally Sykes. Hii iliwashangaza watu wengi sana isipokuwa mimi. Sikushangaa kwa kuwa nilikuwa najua siasa za historia inayomzunguka Ally Sykes kwa miaka mingi hususan kuhusu mchango wake binafsi na wa kaka yake marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes katika harakati za kuasisi TANU na kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Historia ina kawaida ya kijurudia. Haya ya kupuuza kifo cha Ally Sykes yalimkuta pia kaka yake Abdulwahid alipofariki mwaka 1968.

Ally Sykes alikuwa mtu maarufu kupita kiasi. Alikuwa kwanza ana umaarufu wa kuzaliwa. Kazaliwa Dar es Salaam Gerezani, mtoto wa mjini. Kisha alikuwa maarufu kwa nasaba. Baba yake Kleist Sykes alikuwa mmoja wa watu mashuhuri katika siasa zote za Dar es Salaam katika miaka ya ya mwanzo ya 1900 hadi alipofariki mwaka 1949. Baba yake alikuwa maarufu kwa kuwa alilelewa na Affande Plantan askari kiongozi katika jeshi la Wajerumani lilokuja Tanganyika na Herman Von Wissman wakati Wajerumani walipoingia kuitawala Tanganyika. Kleist alikuwa ndiye katibu muasisi wa African Association mwaka 1929 chama kilichokuja baadae kujibadili na kuwa TANU Ally Sykes akiwa mmoja wa hao waasisi. Baba yake Kleist aliasisi Al Jamiatul Islamiyya Fi Tanganyika (Umoja wa Waislam wa Tanganyika) na kupitia jumuia hii akajenga shule ya kwanza ya Kiiislam Dar es Salaam, shule ambayo ilisomesha Qur’an pamoja na masomo ya kisekula. Hii Al Jamiatul Islamiyya ndiyo iliyotoa viongozi wa kwanza kuiendesha TAA na baadae TANU katika harakati za kudai uhuru.  Ally Sykes kwa mazingira na makuzi haya akawa maarufu kama alivyokuwa baba yake. Lakini kubwa zaidi na hili ndilo kwa bahati mbaya ndilo linalojulikana zaidi kwa sasa ni utajiri ambao Allah alimruzuku toka akiwa kijana mdogo sana katika miaka ya 1950 alipoanza biashara kwa kuanzisha kampuni yake binafsi iliyoitwa Sykes Sales Promotion Consultancy.

Inajulikana na wengi Ally Sykes na kaka yake Abdulwahid Sykes ndiyo watu wa mwanzo kumpokea Julius Nyerere alipokuja Dar es Salaam mwaka 1952. Nyerere alifika nyumbani kwa akina Sykes kwa utambulisho na hii ilijenga urafiki ambao ulipitiliza na kuwa udugu mkubwa wa mapenzi ya dhati si baina yao tu bali hata kwa wake na mama zao. Mama yake Nyerere Bi Mugaya hakuwa akipungua nyumbani kwa Mama Abdu Bi Mrurguru biti Mussa Mtaa wa Kirk. Halikadhalika Maria Nyerere hakuwa akipungua nyumbani kwa aidha kwa Bi Zainab mkewe Ally Sykes Mtaa wa Kipata au kwa Bi Mwamvua mkewe Abdulwahid Sykes Mtaa wa Aggrey. Wakati huu Abdulwahid ndiye akiwa rais wa TAA na harakati za kuanzisha TANU zimepamba moto achilia mbali hila na fitna za Waingereza kuwatokomeza viongozi shupavu wa TAA kama Hamza Mwapachu, Dk. Vedast Kyaruzi, Dk. Wilbard Mwanjisi nje ya Dar es Salaam kukivunja nguvu chama. Ndiyo maana TANU ilipokuja asisiwa mwaka 1954 Ally Sykes kadi yake ya TANU ikawa namba 2, Nyerere namba 1, Abdulwahid Sykes kadi yake namba 3, Dossa Aziz kadi namba 4, John Rupia kadi yake namba 7. Historia hii haikuja bure ina maelezo marefu ambayo hapa hayataweza kuenea.

Kipindi hiki Ally Sykes alikuwa Katibu wa Tanganyika African Government Servants Association (TAGSA) na vilevile alikuwa mwakilishi wa chama hicho katika Kamati ya Uajiri ya Serikali (Government Establishment Committee). Thomas Marealle ndiye alikuwa rais wa TAGSA na Rashid Kawawa alikuwa mwanakamati. Wanasiasa hawa vijana Ally Sykes akiwa mmoja wao wenyewe walijipa jina, ‘’Wednesday Tea Club’’ wakikutana kila siku ya Jumatano kunywa chai pamoja na kutumia wakati ule kupanga mikakati ya kuwang’oa Waingereza katika ardhi ya Tanganyika. Kupitia Ally, Abdulwahid na Dossa Aziz Nyerere akaweza kujuana na wenyeji wa Dar es Salaam maarufu katika hao ni Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Mshume Kiyate, Jumbe Tambaza, Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Clement Mtamila, Bi. Titi Mohamed, Tatu biti Mzee na wengineo. Lakini historia ina kawaida ya kujirudia.

Kifo cha Ally Sykes kimepuuzwa na vyombo vya habari kama nilivyoeleza awali kuwa hata kifo cha kaka yake Abdulwahid Sykes alipofariki mwaka 1968 magazeti ya TANU (wakati ule ‘’The Nationalist’’ na ‘’Uhuru’’) chama alichokiasisi kwa jasho, damu na fedha zake magazeti haya yalipuuza kifo hicho. Kuna watu katika TANU katika kipindi kile walikuwa wanajaribu kuifuta historia ya kupigania uhuru wakitaka kuondoa mchango wa Abdulwahid na Ally Sykes katika historia ya uhuru. Hata hivyo  ‘’Tanganyika Standard’’ gazeti ambalo ndilo liliokuwa likilinda maslahi ya ukoloni Tanganyika, ndilo lililoandika taazia ya Abdulwahid Sykes. Mhariri wa Tanganyika Standard Brendon Grimshaw hakuweza kustahamili fedheha ile, aliandika taazia ambayo itaishi zaidi ya miaka miaka mia moja na zaidi. Taazia ile ilitikisa fikra Makao Mkuu ya TANU Mtaa wa Lumumba na ikawakera wengi. Grimshaw alisema katika taazia yake kuwa TANU imeundwa pakubwa kwa mchango wa ukoo wa Sykes.

Narudia tena. Historia ina kawaida ya kujirudia. Mwaka wa 1968 wakati Abdulwahid anafariki Waislam walikuwa wako katika taharuki kubwa ya kile kilichokujajulikana kama ‘’mgogoro wa East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) taharuki iliyojaa simanzi kwa kuwa Mufti wa wakati ule Sheikh Hassan bin Amir mmoja wa masheikh viongozi katika TANU alikuwa kakamatwa na kufukuzwa nchini kwa amri ya Nyerere. Wakati haya yakijiri, Tewa Said Tewa na Bi.Titi Mohamed viongozi wa juu wa EAMWS walikuwa wakiandamwa na Nyerere na hapakuwa na uelewano mzuri baina yao. Ajabu ni kuwa umauti umemkuta Ally Sykes katika hali kama ile ile iliyokuwapo wakati kaka yake alipofariki dunia mwaka 1968 wakati nchi ikiwa katika mgogoro wa EAMWS kishindo ambacho kilidumu takriban miezi mitatu. Ally Sykes kafa wakati nchi ipo katika taharuki kwa kile kinachodaiwa ‘’uadui baiana ya Waislam na Wakristo.’’ Kwa hiki kifo cha Ally Sykes bila shaka wahariri wa magazeti walikuwa wameshughulishwa katika kutafuta habari mpya za ‘’kuchomwa makanisa’’ na ‘’ugomvi wa kuchinja,’’ hawakuwa na muda wa kufuatilia msiba wa muasisi wa TANU marehemu Ally Sykes. Lakini iweje hali iwe kama vile miaka saba tu baada ya uhuru kupatikana nchi iingie na taharuki ya kiasi kile na hivi sasa taharuki ile ijirejee upya tena ikishuhudiwa na waasisi wa harakati za ukombozi?

Ilikuwa nimemaliza kuandika kitabu kuhusu maisha ya kaka yake Ally Sykes kitabu kilichokujajulikana kama ‘’The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 – 1968) The Untod Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika.’’ Ally Sykes alinikabidhi nyaraka zake katika utafiti wa maisha ya Abdulwahid Sykes.

Nyaraka hizi mpaka Ally Sykes anakufa zilibaki kuwa sehemu ya malalamiko yangu kwake kuwa hazikustahili kuwa mikononi kwake na kazifungia katika ‘’safe’’ zake. Nilikuwa nikamwambia mara kadhaa inagawa hakutaka kunisikiliza kuwa nyaraka hizi ni mali ya taifa la Tanzania lazima azikabidhi serikalini kwa kuhifadhiwa na kuwekwa Tanzania National Archive (TNA) kama urithi wa kizazi kijacho. Yeye siku zote akinambia, ‘’Mohamed hizi nyaraka ninaogopa nikiwapa serikali watazichoma moto.’’ Alikuwa na sababu ya kusema vile. Nyaraka za Ally Sykes zinakwenda nyuma kiasi cha miaka mia moja kuanzia siku babu yake Sykes Mbuwane alipotia mguu katika ardhi ya Tanganyika kutoka meli ya kvitia ya Wajerumani pale Pangani akitokea Msumbiji. Nyaraka zile zina barua za wanasiasa wa mwanzo katika Tanganyika achilia mbali habari za baba yake. Ukianza kufunua majalada yale hutachoka kupekua karatasi baada ya karatasi. Nyingine zimechoka kwa umri mrefu.

Katika majalada yale utakutana na wazalendo na machifu, utakutana na wasiasa wenye asili ya Kiasia na Waingereza wenyewe waliokuwa watawala. Nyaraka zile utawaona na utawasikia watu hawa wakizungumza na wewe: Dk Joseph Mutahangarwa, Chief Abdieli Shangali wa Machame, Paramount Chief Thomas Marealle wa Marangu, Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa wa Wahehe, Chief Harun Msabila Lugusha, Dk. Wilbard Mwanjisi, Abdulkarim Karimjee, Dk Vedas Kyaruzi, Liwali Juma Mwindadi, H.K. Viran, Stephen Mhando,  Dossa Aziz, Ivor Bayldon, Yustino Mponda, Ivor Bayldon, Rashid Mfaume Kawawa, Bhoke Munanka, Rashid Kheri Baghdelleh, Robert Makange, Saadani Abdu Kandoro, Malkia Elizabeth, Chief Secretary Bruce Hutt, Gavana Edward Twining, Gavana Ronald Cameron, Mwalimu Thomas Plantan na ndugu zake – Schneider Abdillah Plantan na Ramadhani Plantan, Mwalimu Mdachi Shariff, Mwalimu Nicodemus Ubwe, Kassela Bantu, John Rupia, Hamza Kibwana Mwapachu, Othman Chande, Leonard Bakuname, Stephen Mhando, Oscar Kambona, Peter Colmore, Albert Rothschild, Ali Mwinyi Tambwe, Alexander Thobias, Japhet Kirilo, Joseph Kimalando, Ian Smith, Roy Welensky, Jim Bailey, Kenneth Kaunda, Meida Springer, John Hatch, Gretton Bailey, Brig. Scupham, Dome Okochi Budohi, Annur Kassum, Nesmo Eliufoo, Yusuf Olotu, Joseph Kimalando, Julius Nyerere na wengine wengi wakubwa kwa nyadhifa walizokuja kukamata katika Tanganyika huru na wale walioanguka njiani.  

Ukikaa na Ally Sykes na mkapitia jina moja baada ya jingine utapata habari za wazalendo na watu hawa na historia yao yote na kwa hakika hiyo ndiyo historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika na historia ya kweli ya TANU. Ally Sykes alikuwa anawajua watu hawa vilivyo. Atakuambia yupi alikuwa kibaraka wa Waingereza na yupi alikuwa mpiganaji wa kweli. Atakueleza nani alikuja katika siasa kwa uzalendo na nani alikuja kwa ajili ya kutafuta maslahi yake binafsi.

Ally Sykes kabla hajafa alikuwa keshamaliza kuandika historia ya maisha yake. Mswada huu unaitwa, ‘’Under the Shadow of British Colonialism in Tanganyika.’’ Mchapaji alipomaliza kuhariri mswada ule aliomba kitabu kibadilishwe jina kiitwe, ‘’Dreams Unfulfilled.’’ Mhariri alinipigia simu kutola Nairobi akanambia kila akimsoma Ally Sykes alikuwa anamwona Ally Sykes katika majonzi kwa kuwa ndoto aliyokuwanayo wakati akipigania uhuru wa Tanganyika ndoto ile haikukamilika. Aliniomba nimuombe Ally Sykes jina la kitabu libadilishwe.  Kwake Ally Sykes suala halikuwa kugawana vyeo ndani ya chama cha siasa na kisha katika Tanganyika huru. Suala lilikuwa kwa Mwafrika kuwa huru katika nchi yake bila ya kubughudhiwa na mtu yeyote yule. Mwaka 1953 ilikuja shinikizo kubwa kutoka kwa Ivor Bayldon kuunda chama kitakachojumuisha wananchi wa rangi zote katika Tanganyika. Ally Sykes alikuwa akisema laiti kama wangekubali kumeza chambo kile  historia ya Tanganyika ingekuwa nyingine na TANU isingeliasisiwa pale New Street mwaka 1954 katika nyumba ile ambayo ilijengwa na kukamilika mwaka 1933 wakati wa uongozi wa baba yake; na Nyerere asingelikuja kuwa kiongozi  wa nchi hii. ‘’Laiti Bwana Abdu na Hamza Mwapachu wangelikubaliana na ule mpango wa akina Ivor Bayldon na Nazerali uongozi wa nchi huu ungelitoka ndani ya Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la wakoloni, usingelitoka kwetu sisi Waafrika wazalendo wenye uchungu na nchi hii na huenda rais wa Tanganyika angelikuwa Chief David Kidaha Makwaia na Nyerere angelibakia kuwa mwalimu wa shule pale Pugu.’’ Ivor Bayldon baada ya kushindwa kuwapata wanachama wa TAA alikuja baadae mwaka 1955 kuunda United Tanganyika Party (UTP) chama kilichokuja kupinga TANU. Hii ndiyo namna nyaraka za Ally Sykes zinavyozungumza na wewe unapozisoma na pale yeye mwenyewe anapokupa maelezo hutaacha kupigwa na butwaa na mshangao.

Nilipata kumuuliza Ally Sykes kama anajua ni fedha kiasi gani alizopata kutumia katika TAA na TANU jibu alonipa ni kuwa hajui wala hajuti.  ‘’Hizo fedha si kitu kikubwa. Kubwa ni njama ambayo niliundiwa na Waingereza wawili Dk Hughes na Dk Frank kutaka kuniua wakati nikifanya kazi Kibongoto Infectious Disease Hospital, Moshi. Unajua Waingereza kwa kweli walikuwa wamechoka na hili jina letu. Kila Gavana aliyekuja kutawala Tanganyika alikuwa lazima atapambana na jina hili. Baba yetu aliitwa kuhojiwa na kila gavana aliyekuja kutawala Tanganyika kuanzia mwaka 1927 hadi 1947. Kati ya mwaka 1929 hadi 1947 Mzee Kleist aliitwa kuhojiwa mbele ya ‘’tribune’’ mara tatu kuhusu harakati za wafanyakazi, yeye akiwa katibu wa Railway African Civil Service Union. Waingereza walikuwa wamechoka sasa na sisi wakaaamua kuniua kwa kuniambukiza kifua kikuu. Hawa madaktari wawili walikuwa wakiniita mimi ‘’rafiki yake Nyerere’’ ambaye kwao wao alikuwa adui mkubwa sana. Wakati ule kunasibishwa na Nyerere halikuwa jambo jema. Hicho kilikuwa kitu cha hatari na cha kutisha sana. Mimi sikuwa nakataa kuwa Nyerere alikuwa rafiki yangu. Kwa Waingereza hiyo ilikuwa kama vile kujinasibisha udugu na Adolf Hitler.  Hii ilikuwa mwaka 1956 na ingawa mimi nilikuwa nimepewa uhamisho kufanyakazi Kibongoto, Moshi ili kuniweka mbali na TANU pale New Street bado nilikuwa nikijitahidi kukijenga chama pale nilipokuwapo. Mimi na Bwana Abdu, Dossa, Mzee Rupia, Nyerere na Baraza la Wazee wa TANU chini ya Mwenyekiti wake Sheikh Suleiman Takadir tulikuwa tukiitumikia TANU kwa nguzu zetu zote na ni wakati huu ndipo nilipompiga muuguzaji wa kike Mzungu Ocean Road Hospital kwa ajili ya ubaguzi wake na matokeo yake nikasimamishwa kazi na niliporejeshwa nikapelekwa uhamishomi Mtwara kama adhabu…’’

Mtu usingeweza kuchoka kumsikiliza Ally Sykes anapohadithia historia ya mapambano dhidi ya ukoloni. Ilipokuwa sasa inakaribia kupatikana kwa uhuru anasema, ‘’Allah akanifungulia milango zaidi kwa kuwa sasa nikishirikiana na rafiki yangu Peter Colmore na kampuni yake ya High Fidelity Productions kutoka Nairobi tukawa tumeshika biashara yote kubwa ya uwakilishi wa makampuni makubwa yaliyokuwa Afrika ya Mashariki - Coca Cola (East Africa) Ltd; The Cooper Motors Corporation Ltd; The Shell Company of East Africa Ltd, Aspro Nicholas Ltd; Gailey and Roberts Ltd; Bata Shoes Company Ltd; Kenya Broadcasting Service, Cotton Lint and Seed Marketing Board, Raleigh Industries of East Africa Ltd; na tulikuwa wawakilishi Kenya wa Tanganyika Broadcasting Corporation (TBC) lakini mafanikio yana matatizo yake hii nilikujajua baadae sana uhuru ulipopatikana. Sisi tuliokuwa mstari wa mbele tukawa hatuhitajiki tena na husda na fitna ikaingia baina yetu sisi waasisi wa TANU na Nyerere…’’ Haikuwa rahisi kuacha kumsikiliza Ally Sykes akiieleza historia ya TANU, uhusiano wake na Nyerere na yote yaliyotokea hadi aakafutwa kabisa katika historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Hatuwezi kummaliza Ally Sykes. Ally Sykes aliishi maisha kamili. Allah alimruzuku kila kitu na akampa dunia. Mguu wake ulikanyaga pale alipotaka.  Mimi binafsi nimeshuhudia nguvu zake kwa macho yangu mwenyewe. Wazungu wakimtetemekea na akiwatuma kazi na wakimtumikia kwa adabu na unyofu wa hali ya juu. Mmoja wa jamaa za Ally Sykes, Mzee Ahmed Rashad Ali  alipata kunambia kuwa Ally Sykes akiwatuma Wazungu toka ujana wake na anapowaita kuja kula nyumbani kwake wakija na adabu zao kamili. Juu ya haya yote Ally Sykes alikuwa na ibra moja – hakuwa mtu wa kujiona. Hukuweza kupima nguvu na uwezo wake kwa kumtazama. Nilisikitika sana mazikoni pale Makaburi ya Kisutu. Wale waliompuuza Ally Sykes na kuufanya mchango wake si lolote si chochote ndiyo walipewa heshima ya wao kuwa mbele pale makaburini  katika kumsindikiza katika safari yake ya mwisho na kusoma hotuba. Rafiki zake aliokuwanao siku zote, Abdallah Awadh, Ali Mbarak, Shomari, Abdu Faraj, Boi Juma Risasi, Harudiki Kabunju, Hussein, Abdu Kifea, Abdallah Jabir, Muharram Kocha, Muharram Mkamba, Abdubari, Salim Hirizi kuwataja wachache waliwekwa mbali na jeneza na kaburi na watu wa Itifaki wa Ikulu nafasi yao ikachukuliwa na wanasiasa na viongozi wa juu wa Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM).  Ilikuwa aibu kubwa kwa CCM kuonekana hawapo katika kumzika Ally Sykes mwanachama wa TANU kadi namba mbili na mzalendo wa kweli aliyemwandikia na kumkabidhi kadi namba moja ya TANU Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere.

Ally Sykes alimpenda na kumuheshimu sana kaka yake na katika maisha yangu ndiyo mtu pekee niliyemsikia kila akimtaja kaka yake anatanguliza neno, ’’Bwana.’’ Kwake yeye Abdulwahid alikuwa ‘’Bwana Abdu’’ kila alipomtaja.  Ally Sykes amezikwa pembeni mwa kaburi la kaka yake Bwana Abdu.

Tuamwomba Allah amlaze Ally Kleist Sykes mahali pema peponi.

Mohamed Said

22 Mei 2013

The Founding of Baraza Kuu (The Supreme Council of Islamic Organisations and Institutions of Tanzania)

The Founding of Baraza Kuu

(The Supreme Council of Islamic Organisations and Institutions of Tanzania)

Standing the late Sheikh Hemed bin Jumaa bin Hemed BAKWATA Grand Mufti

By Mohamed Said

By 1990s BAKWATA was literally dead. Its decision to appease the government and to distance itself from each and every Muslims issue made it irrelevant. Yet its leadership had the audacity to blame the government that it had not supported it by allowing other independent organisations to exist. On 17 April, 1991 during an Idd Baraza at Arnautoglo Hall, Dar es Salaam President Mwinyi was invited to the occasion by BAKWATA as a guest of honour. In his speech to welcome the president, the Vice-Chairman of BAKWATA, Suleiman Hegga accused the government of indecision in hesitating to curb Muslim groups which in his views were undermining BAKWATA. Hegga’s speech was in fact a lament to the government that it had withdrawn its support to a long time ally in face of opposition from a common foe.¹

In his reply President Mwinyi told the BAKWATA leadership to stop complaining and advised them to convene a meeting of all Muslim organisations to discuss whatever differences BAKWATA might be having with Muslims. This advice by the government was ignored by BAKWATA. What BAKWATA envisaged was for the government to use its powers to effect a crackdown of those independent Muslims organisations to enable BAKWATA enjoy centre stage in Muslims affairs. Muslims had long decided that the only way forward was for each organisation in its locality to try and help Muslims in its own way. As these Muslims became engaged in various activities from building simple madrasto providing tuition to school children BAKWATA increasingly became redundant and hence the statement by BAKWATA that the government was allowing other Muslim organisations to “meddle” into their exclusive zone, that of preventing Muslims to have any influence in the political system.

It was now obvious that BAKWATA did not command support or respect of Muslims. It did not have a competent leadership in terms of education and experience to administer such an organisation. BAKWATA did not have a single graduate in its administrative machinery. It had become the norm rather than the exception that in order for a Muslim to be accepted in BAKWATA his education has to be mediocre. Since Muslims were supportive to these independent organisation it was felt that it was high time for this loose leadership to manifest itself and take-over the leadership BAKWATA for the good of Islam. This act it was felt was important and necessary in order to formalise and confirm its status as the true Muslim representative.

The only organisation thought fit to co-ordinate all those Muslim organisations and convene a meeting to discuss the future of Islam in Tanzania was the Dar es Salaam University Muslim Trusteeship (DUMT). DUMT convened a meeting in which all Muslim organisations based in Dar es Salaam including BAKWATA were invited. The agenda of the meeting was how to solve the leadership crisis in BAKWATA. The meeting was held at the University of Dar es Salaam and was chaired by Tewa Said Tewa the former chairman of the EAMWS.²BAKWATA refused to attend this meeting. Several meting were to be held at the university under the chairmanship of DUMT between July and September, 1991. Emissaries were sent to the regions to consult with the independent Muslim leadership on the possibility of convening a national Muslim conference to debate on the future of Islam in Tanzania. The responses from the regions were very encouraging. BAKWATA tried its best to sabotage the conference. It sent its own emissaries to the region to try to persuade Muslims not to attend the conference. It also sent a letter to the government to ask its intervention to stop the conference.

On 15 September, 1991 a National Muslim Conference was held at Nkrumah Hall of Dar es Salaam University. ³Appreciating the sensitivity of Muslim politics the select committee which was co-ordinating Muslim affairs sent each and every minutes of the meeting to the President’s Office. President Mwinyi realising religious issues which required government intervention, had established a special desk of religious affairs. President Mwinyi sent Abdulrahman Kinana, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation to open the conference. Kinana delivered a message from the government which said that the government would cooperate with Muslims in finding a solution to their problems so long as Muslims pursued their goal peacefully.

In the history of Muslim movement in Tanzania never before had such a huge number of Muslim activists assembled in one place. Delegates came as far as Kagera and Rukwa. All who rose to speak had nothing but condemnation for the leadership in BAKWATA and none was more vocal than Sheikh Kassim bin Juma. In his speech to the delegates he said he supported the new initiative to provide a strong and dependable leadership to Muslims of Tanzania but was worried with the factor that the leadership which was poised to lead Muslims was comprised of the Ansar (Orthodox Muslims). The conference by acclamation ousted the BAKWATA leadership from power except the Grand Mufti Sheikh Hemed bin Juma bin Hemed on the ground that it did not have qualifications to lead a Muslim organisation. A 15-man caretaker committee under Sheikh Salum Khamis, a retired civil servant and a graduate Makerere College was elected and given the task to prepare for general election to enable Muslims choose its own leadership freely.

The committee was to run the organisation for an interim period of three months after which a general election was to be called. Its other task was to give BAKWATA direction according to the Holy Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet (SAW). But its most important responsibility was the amendment of the constitution passed in Iringa in 1968 and change of the official name. This had a special significance to Muslims and the organisation as a whole because the amendment of the constitution and change of name meant a break with the dark past. The BAKWATA constitution was a replica of the constitution of the then ruling party TANU. The committee issued a statement which stated that:

BAKWATA had been used to control Muslims instead of dealing with their development. As a result of this Muslims in different parts of the country had formed their own organisations to look after their religious interests. There was a lot of animosity between the council and the various organisations which effected the development of Muslims in the country.⁴

It is said that at this juncture the Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT) sent a secret delegation to the Minister of Home Affairs Augustine Mrema to request him to use his powers to prevent the new Muslim leadership from coming to power in BAKWATA for what it feared was a strong Muslim independent leadership which will challenge Christian hegemony wherever it existed and would promote “Muslim fundamentalism.” The Caretaker Committee requested a meeting with the Minister of Home Affairs and the Registrar of Societies in order to have their co-operation for a peaceful and orderly transition but all of them refused to meet the Committee. The Registrar of Societies wrote to the committee accusing it of flouting the constitution.

Meanwhile rumours were circulating in Dar es Salaam that BAKWATA leadership had asked Nyerere to intervene and use his powers to prevent the new leadership into coming to power. This rumours incensed Muslims and hostility to BAKWATA leadership was intensified to the extent that it had to be provided with security by the government. Sheikh Hemed bin Juma the Grand Mufti nor the Acting Secretary General Rajab Kundya, who was at the centre of criticism because he was married to a Christian, could freely go to their offices for fear of being physically attacked by Muslims. BAKWATA was overwhelmed by hostility from the Muslim community. Meanwhile the BAKWATA leadership under the Grand Mufti Sheikh Hemed bin Juma refused to hand over power to the popular will of Muslims. BAKWATA issued a statement which stated that the constitution of the organisation protected its leadership from being ousted and therefore the leadership was still in power.⁵By the end of December signs of violent change were evident.

On 4 th January, 1992 Muslims held a meeting at the Diamond Jubilee Hall. This followed the conference held at the Nkrumah Hall in September, 1991. It was at that conference that Muslims were informed that even as they were deliberating in the hall, the committee had ordered the invasion of BAKWATA headquarters and Dar es Salaam regional office including Al Haramain School. The conference was informed that the offices have been secured and occupied. President Mwinyi intervened and called a meeting in his office between the Grand Mufti Sheikh Hemed bin Juma and his executive committee and the Caretaker Committee of Sheikh Salum Khamis.

The Caretaker Committee told the president that it would accept nothing short of resignation of the Vice-Chairman Suleiman Hegga, a former broadcaster and Acting Secretary General Rajab Kundya, who was at the centre of criticism for being married to a Christian. These people the committee reiterated were not fit to lead Muslims. It was then decided to resolve the crisis on the following terms:

1.   The crisis should be solved through due process of law. BAKWATA offices forcefully occupied by the committee should be opened and its officials allowed performing their duties.

2.   All executive posts in BAKWATA should be advertised to enable qualified Muslims apply.

3.    BAKWATA and Baraza Kuu should form a committee of five persons each forming a central committee of 10 members which would be required to do the following:

           i.          To conduct elections from grassroots level of the mosques up to national level

         ii.          To prepare proposal for a new constitution.

The president ordered the two parties to solve the leadership crisis fast and peacefully and ended with a threatening note to the two parties that if they disturbed the peace the government will come very strong against them. The Committee assured the President that it would solve the Muslim crisis sensibly.

While the committee fulfilled its part of the agreement, BAKWATA did not adhere to the above and refused to fulfil theirs. The Grand Mufti chose to snub President Mwinyi. On 12 February, in a live broadcast from Songea during Maulid celebrations, Sheikh Hemed bin Jumaa sneered at the efforts of the President arguing that president Mwinyi was involving himself in trying to effect changes to BAKWATA without being conversant with its history and objectives; and without knowing why it was formed by the government of Julius Nyerere in the first place.⁶

Failing to dislodge BAKWATA from its offices the committee decided to lodge its own application to the Registrar of Societies for registration. Muslims had come up with an innovation which would force the government to officially allow another national Muslim organisation to operate and serve the Muslim community. The government sat on the application for more than a year. Meanwhile Baraza Kuu continued to operate and enjoy Muslim support. The vacuum created by BAKWATA for its non-compliance of the wishes of Muslims was ably filled by Baraza Kuu.⁷

On 28 April, 1993 bizarre occurrence took place. In desperation and in its effort to salvage BAKWATA the Minister of Home Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister Augustine Mrema convened a meeting between Muslims and Christians at the Diamond Jubilee Hall, Dar es Salaam. The agenda was not stated. The Church sent a strong delegation. Muslims abstained except BAKWATA. The few Muslims who turned up were there out of curiosity rather than conviction that the meeting would bear fruits. When the time for introduction between the two parties came, Muslims refused to shake hands with the Church leadership. Mrema addressed the meeting in which in his speech it was revealed that elections for BAKWATA were long overdue and could not be held because of lack of funds.

The Church volunteered to provide funds to BAKWATA to enable it hold its elections. The Minister for Home Affairs Augustine Mrema also helped to collect money from the business community to fund BAKWATA elections. When eventually BAKWATA met in Dodoma from 10 th -12 th May the guest of honour was Augustine Mrema. Instead of conducting elections BAKWATA passed some constitution changes to empower the Grand Mufti Sheikh Hemed bin Hemed with absolute powers to fire any executive member without being answerable to anyone.

The government reluctantly registered Baraza Kuu. Much as Baraza Kuu has the support of Muslim majority the government still refuses to recognise it throwing its weight and support behind BAKWATA. In response to this Muslims have refused to recognise BAKWATA and so for forty years since its imposition on Muslims by the government in 1968 the standoff between Muslims on one hand and BAKWATA and the government on the other lingers on.

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1Hotuba ya Suleiman Hega Aliyotoa Kwenye Baraza la Idi El Haj Tarehe 23 June, 1991 Mbele ya Mheshimiwa Rais.

2It should be beared in mind that organised effort to emanse support from Muslims had begun in 1987 and several meetings were held in Dar es Salaam under different venues. See minutes: Muhtasari wa Kikao cha Kamati ya Kupendekeza Muundo wa Chombo Kilichofanyika Tarehe 17/9/89 Shule ya Haramein. Contents of the minutes show that the thrust of the meeting was to forge unity among different da’awa groups and avoid duplication of efforts.

3The night before in an attempt to play down the Muslim National Conference the state-radio announced in its prime time news bulletin that the conference was for delegates from Dar es Salaam only.

4 Daily News, 17 September, 1991.

5 Mfanyakazi, 18 September, 1991.

6Part of the speech appears verbatim in An-Nuur, June, 1993, “Mufti Hemed Afichua Siri Kubwa.”

7Baraza Kuu la Jumuiya na Tasisi za Kiislam 16 Mei, 1992 Kauli Rasmi ya Baraza Kuu, Mkutano wa Chuo Kikuu Dar es Salaam 15 Septemba 1991 na Diamond Jubilee Dar es Salaam 4 Januari, 1992.